Hello!
I present my new Christmas service accompanied by cinnamon muffins (those with red icing), the chocolate and vanilla!
Happy holidays to you all ^ _ ^!
Sunday, December 26, 2010
Baby Withbroken Capillaries
Christmas luncheon ...
Hello!
I present my new Christmas service accompanied by cinnamon muffins (those with red icing), the chocolate and vanilla!
Happy holidays to you all ^ _ ^!
Hello!
I present my new Christmas service accompanied by cinnamon muffins (those with red icing), the chocolate and vanilla!
Happy holidays to you all ^ _ ^!
Saturday, December 25, 2010
What Lead Your Grade To Drop
Lelio Basso, strong, socialist revolutionary, a lawyer, father of the establishment, defender of the peoples
bios PEOPLE
Institute: Lelio and Lisli LOW - ISSOCO
Lelio Basso ( Varazze (SV), 25/12/1903 - Rome, 12/16/1978)
REGISTER
Other names Philodemus Prometheus
Spartacus
Lebas
BIOGRAPHY
Charges Deputy to the Constituent Assembly (1946); deputy PSIUP <1942-1947>, MP (1946-1968), Senator (1972-1978), Secretary of the PSI (Jan. 1947-llug. 1948), President of PSIUP (1965-1968).
Biography Lelio Basso was born in Varazze (SV), 25 December 1903 from a family of the liberal bourgeoisie. Berchet attended high school in Milan, where the family had moved in 1916. In 1921 he joined the law faculty of the University of Pavia and the Italian Socialist Party. A scholar of Marxist doctrine, was close to Piero Gobetti during the experience of 'Liberal Revolution', in addition to the magazine he worked, in his youth, with 'social criticism', 'The Café', 'Come in, "," conscious " "Fourth Estate" and "Stone" magazine, which he directed in 1928, first to Genoa, then to Milan. In 1925 he graduated in Law with a thesis on the conception della libertà in Marx. Il 13 aprile 1928 venne arrestato a Milano e inviato al confino a Ponza, dove studiò per la futura laurea in filosofia. Tornato a Milano nel 1931, mentre esercitava la professione forense, si laureò con una tesi su Rudolf Otto. Nel 1934 riprese l'attività illegale, dirigendo il Centro interno socialista, con Rodolfo Morandi, Lucio Luzzatto, Eugenio Colorni; attività interrotta per l'internamento nel campo di concentramento di Colfiorito (PG) dal 1939 al 1940 e poi ripresa. Dopo una lunga preparazione clandestina, il 10 gennaio 1943 partecipò alla costituzione del Movimento di unità proletaria (Mup), il cui gruppo dirigente era formato da Basso, Lucio Luzzatto, Roberto Verrati, Umberto Recalcati; movement after July 25 will merge with the PSI in PSIUP, whose direction Basso joined. In 1945 he founded the underground newspaper "Red flag" and to the freedom to participate actively in the resistance, founding Sandro Pertini and Rodolfo Morandi executive clandestine High PSIUP of Italy, which assumed responsibility for the organization. After liberation, he was elected deputy secretary of the PSIUP and deputy to the Constituent Assembly in 1946, was part of the Commission on 75 for the drafting of the Constitution, in particular by contributing to the formulation of Articles. 3:49. Deputy in all legislatures from 1946 to 1968, then was elected senator in 1972 and 1976. In the same 1946 he founded the magazine 'Fourth Estate', which will run until 1950. Upon cleavage saragattiana (1947), Bass became the secretary of the Socialist Party, a post he held until the congress in Genoa in June 1949. In 1951, in opposition to the Stalinist line of the party, was not reelected to the Directorate, in the Milan Congress of 1953 did not enter the Central Committee, where he was readmitted in 1955, while in 1957 the Congress of Venice, returned in the direction and Secretariat. The following year gave birth to "Problems of Socialism." Leader of the leftist Socialist Party since 1959, in December 1963 spoke to the Chamber of Deputies, the declaration of refusal by the 25 deputies from minority group Parliamentary Socialist vote in favor of the center-left government, announcing the split from which arose the PSIUP in January 1964. Member of the management of the new party, he was president from 1965 to 1968, until the entry of the Warsaw Pact troops in Czechoslovakia. Founder and contributor to international magazines (he was editor of Revue du Socialisme international "/" International socialist journal "- the documentation of the magazine is kept in the bottom of the same name in Lisli and Fondazione Lelio Basso - Issoco -), penalties of European fame, was a member of the International Tribunal chaired by Bertrand Russell, created to judge the American crimes in Vietnam. In 1973 he promoted the establishment of a second Court Russell (documentation on the activity of Lelio Basso as a member of the Russell Tribunal in Fund I and II in the Russell Tribunal and Lisli Fondazione Lelio Basso - Issoco), on repression in Latin America and worked for the preparation of the Permanent Peoples' Tribunal (set up in 1979, after his death). In the same 1973 gave birth to Rome and Lisli Lelio Basso Foundation in 1976 to the International Foundation and the International League for the Rights and Liberation of Peoples. He died in Rome on 16 December 1978.
DOCUMENTATION
Bibliography: See the webpage: http://www.leliobasso.it/testi.aspx
BIBLIOGRAPHY: see web page: http://www.leliobasso.it/biblio.htm
AUTHORITY CONTROL 'Philodemus
Other forms of the name Prometheus, Spartacus; Lebas
http://www.leliobasso.it/vita.htm
http://www.internazionaleleliobasso.it / 
bios PEOPLE
Institute: Lelio and Lisli LOW - ISSOCO
Lelio Basso ( Varazze (SV), 25/12/1903 - Rome, 12/16/1978)
REGISTER
Other names Philodemus Prometheus
Spartacus
Lebas
BIOGRAPHY
Charges Deputy to the Constituent Assembly (1946); deputy PSIUP <1942-1947>, MP (1946-1968), Senator (1972-1978), Secretary of the PSI (Jan. 1947-llug. 1948), President of PSIUP (1965-1968).
Biography Lelio Basso was born in Varazze (SV), 25 December 1903 from a family of the liberal bourgeoisie. Berchet attended high school in Milan, where the family had moved in 1916. In 1921 he joined the law faculty of the University of Pavia and the Italian Socialist Party. A scholar of Marxist doctrine, was close to Piero Gobetti during the experience of 'Liberal Revolution', in addition to the magazine he worked, in his youth, with 'social criticism', 'The Café', 'Come in, "," conscious " "Fourth Estate" and "Stone" magazine, which he directed in 1928, first to Genoa, then to Milan. In 1925 he graduated in Law with a thesis on the conception della libertà in Marx. Il 13 aprile 1928 venne arrestato a Milano e inviato al confino a Ponza, dove studiò per la futura laurea in filosofia. Tornato a Milano nel 1931, mentre esercitava la professione forense, si laureò con una tesi su Rudolf Otto. Nel 1934 riprese l'attività illegale, dirigendo il Centro interno socialista, con Rodolfo Morandi, Lucio Luzzatto, Eugenio Colorni; attività interrotta per l'internamento nel campo di concentramento di Colfiorito (PG) dal 1939 al 1940 e poi ripresa. Dopo una lunga preparazione clandestina, il 10 gennaio 1943 partecipò alla costituzione del Movimento di unità proletaria (Mup), il cui gruppo dirigente era formato da Basso, Lucio Luzzatto, Roberto Verrati, Umberto Recalcati; movement after July 25 will merge with the PSI in PSIUP, whose direction Basso joined. In 1945 he founded the underground newspaper "Red flag" and to the freedom to participate actively in the resistance, founding Sandro Pertini and Rodolfo Morandi executive clandestine High PSIUP of Italy, which assumed responsibility for the organization. After liberation, he was elected deputy secretary of the PSIUP and deputy to the Constituent Assembly in 1946, was part of the Commission on 75 for the drafting of the Constitution, in particular by contributing to the formulation of Articles. 3:49. Deputy in all legislatures from 1946 to 1968, then was elected senator in 1972 and 1976. In the same 1946 he founded the magazine 'Fourth Estate', which will run until 1950. Upon cleavage saragattiana (1947), Bass became the secretary of the Socialist Party, a post he held until the congress in Genoa in June 1949. In 1951, in opposition to the Stalinist line of the party, was not reelected to the Directorate, in the Milan Congress of 1953 did not enter the Central Committee, where he was readmitted in 1955, while in 1957 the Congress of Venice, returned in the direction and Secretariat. The following year gave birth to "Problems of Socialism." Leader of the leftist Socialist Party since 1959, in December 1963 spoke to the Chamber of Deputies, the declaration of refusal by the 25 deputies from minority group Parliamentary Socialist vote in favor of the center-left government, announcing the split from which arose the PSIUP in January 1964. Member of the management of the new party, he was president from 1965 to 1968, until the entry of the Warsaw Pact troops in Czechoslovakia. Founder and contributor to international magazines (he was editor of Revue du Socialisme international "/" International socialist journal "- the documentation of the magazine is kept in the bottom of the same name in Lisli and Fondazione Lelio Basso - Issoco -), penalties of European fame, was a member of the International Tribunal chaired by Bertrand Russell, created to judge the American crimes in Vietnam. In 1973 he promoted the establishment of a second Court Russell (documentation on the activity of Lelio Basso as a member of the Russell Tribunal in Fund I and II in the Russell Tribunal and Lisli Fondazione Lelio Basso - Issoco), on repression in Latin America and worked for the preparation of the Permanent Peoples' Tribunal (set up in 1979, after his death). In the same 1973 gave birth to Rome and Lisli Lelio Basso Foundation in 1976 to the International Foundation and the International League for the Rights and Liberation of Peoples. He died in Rome on 16 December 1978.
DOCUMENTATION
Bibliography: See the webpage: http://www.leliobasso.it/testi.aspx
BIBLIOGRAPHY: see web page: http://www.leliobasso.it/biblio.htm
AUTHORITY CONTROL 'Philodemus
Other forms of the name Prometheus, Spartacus; Lebas
http://www.leliobasso.it/vita.htm
http://www.internazionaleleliobasso.it /
Sunday, November 7, 2010
Sewing Adult Footie Pajamas
Grazie!
Here we are!
After the annual Halloween party and recounted the proceeds of the evening, we are almost sure we can thank you for participating.
I hope you have fun on the masks I've seen around, and congratulations to the dj that Lilith was able to entertain the crowd of well-vampire, attendants in red latex, and various ghosts of the Opera. And also thanks to the custodians of our chilling castle that gave us the room to the environment.
Thanks to all! Until next
Stay Metal \\ m /
Olaf 
Here we are!
After the annual Halloween party and recounted the proceeds of the evening, we are almost sure we can thank you for participating.
I hope you have fun on the masks I've seen around, and congratulations to the dj that Lilith was able to entertain the crowd of well-vampire, attendants in red latex, and various ghosts of the Opera. And also thanks to the custodians of our chilling castle that gave us the room to the environment.
Thanks to all! Until next
Stay Metal \\ m /
Olaf
Monday, November 1, 2010
How To Remove Backache During Pregnancy
Fete d'Halloween
Buffet by Celtic Pub
djset by Lilith
+ Gadgets offered by the Centre Recreatif Korrigan 
Buffet by Celtic Pub
djset by Lilith
+ Gadgets offered by the Centre Recreatif Korrigan
Dirtbike Invitation Templates
A breakfast special, pancakes and maple syrup!
Hello to all dear friends of the blog, how are you? So do not write more time, but for now I can do just that. I opened my new tea, you like? The mini pancakes and maple syrup (thanks for telling Virgi taken directly from London ^ _ ^) I think the best thing to do! Beccatevi photino all these! 
Hello to all dear friends of the blog, how are you? So do not write more time, but for now I can do just that. I opened my new tea, you like? The mini pancakes and maple syrup (thanks for telling Virgi taken directly from London ^ _ ^) I think the best thing to do! Beccatevi photino all these!
Friday, October 29, 2010
Wades Bakery Thumbprint Cookie Recipe
The general strike becomes a social pact
The general strike becomes a social pact
One month from the cartel made up of between Genoa and a radiant Marcegaglia Epifani rev up, yesterday was notified of the conclusion of a first phase of agreements for the Covenant Social. This is an improvement of social safety nets, interventions for the south and Innovation (money to businesses) Simplification of pa. An agreement was also reached for a reform of that, no doubt, will consider "minor" and in training people up to twenty-nine years of age. A legal loophole to justify cuts in wages and rights.
This agreement announced with triumphant tones and accents of great positivity to the press involved in the aftermath of the announcement by Minister Brunetta the deletion of three hundred thousand jobs in the civil service and the launch of the law related work during the unrest of the employees of school under threat of dismissal, immediately after the heavy and disturbing statements on Marchionne Fiat factory and Italy, in the bleak scenario of the crisis that has decimated employment in various regions of Italy with peaks of extreme heaviness in Sardinia and in general in the South
The influence of Italian workers in the pact signed by the federal government is already equal to zero. No improvement of the condition of precarious perhaps with a limitation of the range of possibilities offered by the Biagi law of avoidance to the bosses, no mention of the necessary improvement of wages and pensions Financo requested by the governor of the Bank of Italy that are frozen indefinitely, no halt the process of rapid cancellation rights, especially for new hires. For foreign workers in Italy and treated as human cattle no safeguard measure, no action to ensure they and their unfortunate Italian brothers of insecurity, respect for Negotiable. No mention has no intention of establishing the minimum wage and to revise the pension system by law from thin to Berlusconi Dini to become inconsistent and almost a mirror of the population impoverished and reduced to poverty which has been condemned to a life of hardship and old age in some cases of starvation.
the social contract is made between individuals and organizations (banks, business associations and workers, government) who refuse to register express and represent the social conflict and the deep dissatisfaction that crisscross the country.
aftermath of the vibrant manifestation of the mechanics of the October 16 proposed that the state di insoddisfazione di collera e di disperazione dei lavoratori italiani, la risposta sta in un insieme di atti condivisi o tacitamente accettati dalla Cgil e dal PD che accelerano la disintegrazione del mondo del lavoro attaccato nei suoi diritti e nella sua stessa consistenza fisica. I trecento mila posti di lavoro che vengono soppressi nella pubblica amministrazione chiudono la speranza ad altrettanti giovani ed alle loro famiglie senza alcun beneficio per lo Stato. Non ci sarà una diminuzione proporzionale dei costi dal momento che molti dei servizi verranno privatizzati ad amici della cricca che sta al governo e si introdurranno altre figure di managers e di dirigenti con un costo per ognuna pari a quello di molti posti soppressi.
Mi domando come la CGIL non provi vergogna, in questo contesto sociale, di stipulare un patto che accredita questo Governo in Europa e nel mondo proprio nel momento in cui infligge durissimi colpi ai lavoratori che non esita a diffamare assieme a Marchionne ed alla Marcegaglia ed a privare di diritti e di decenti condizioni di vita.
Questo Patto sociale serve subito ad una cosa sola: a dare una base per i soldi che la Confindustria spillerà al governo. Servirà anche a chiudere per sempre la stagione delle lotte e degli scioperi. Come potrà la CGIL fare uno sciopero contro un Governo ed un Padronato con i quali ha stipulato il patto sociale che i sindacati europei non concessero mai neppure ai governi socialdemocratici?
Bisogna dire che Berlusconi è fortunato. Sarkozy masticherà amaro after the harsh protests that had to suffer. I do not think there's anyone in Europe can boast as Berlusconi so successful. For each stroke of the whip that his government deals with workers unions are responding with great salaams. More hits and more consensus and get submission! Mussolini got rid of the Chambers of Labour, which had set fire to its first gangs to build its model of the corporate state. Berlusconi did not need to cut any reason. Bonanni, Angelletti Epifani and now are ready to follow him everywhere, even on the part of the world .... The unions are, as in the United States, from keepers of the master and the government.
The demonstration that the CGIL has opened in Rome on November 27 will be
a review of forces to show the weight and influence of the CGIL. The strike that Landini keeps asking is, as said Sacconi, a request "anachronistic, out since the seventies." The years of human rights and social advancement of the working class.
And it's true. We are no longer in a democracy in which the unions representing workers, but in a regime in which the unions that represent their interests no longer coincide with those of their members. As in the USA. Peter Ancona
http://www.rassegna.it/articoli/2010/10/28/68082/patto-sociale-prima-intesa-su-4-punti 
The general strike becomes a social pact
One month from the cartel made up of between Genoa and a radiant Marcegaglia Epifani rev up, yesterday was notified of the conclusion of a first phase of agreements for the Covenant Social. This is an improvement of social safety nets, interventions for the south and Innovation (money to businesses) Simplification of pa. An agreement was also reached for a reform of that, no doubt, will consider "minor" and in training people up to twenty-nine years of age. A legal loophole to justify cuts in wages and rights.
This agreement announced with triumphant tones and accents of great positivity to the press involved in the aftermath of the announcement by Minister Brunetta the deletion of three hundred thousand jobs in the civil service and the launch of the law related work during the unrest of the employees of school under threat of dismissal, immediately after the heavy and disturbing statements on Marchionne Fiat factory and Italy, in the bleak scenario of the crisis that has decimated employment in various regions of Italy with peaks of extreme heaviness in Sardinia and in general in the South
The influence of Italian workers in the pact signed by the federal government is already equal to zero. No improvement of the condition of precarious perhaps with a limitation of the range of possibilities offered by the Biagi law of avoidance to the bosses, no mention of the necessary improvement of wages and pensions Financo requested by the governor of the Bank of Italy that are frozen indefinitely, no halt the process of rapid cancellation rights, especially for new hires. For foreign workers in Italy and treated as human cattle no safeguard measure, no action to ensure they and their unfortunate Italian brothers of insecurity, respect for Negotiable. No mention has no intention of establishing the minimum wage and to revise the pension system by law from thin to Berlusconi Dini to become inconsistent and almost a mirror of the population impoverished and reduced to poverty which has been condemned to a life of hardship and old age in some cases of starvation.
the social contract is made between individuals and organizations (banks, business associations and workers, government) who refuse to register express and represent the social conflict and the deep dissatisfaction that crisscross the country.
aftermath of the vibrant manifestation of the mechanics of the October 16 proposed that the state di insoddisfazione di collera e di disperazione dei lavoratori italiani, la risposta sta in un insieme di atti condivisi o tacitamente accettati dalla Cgil e dal PD che accelerano la disintegrazione del mondo del lavoro attaccato nei suoi diritti e nella sua stessa consistenza fisica. I trecento mila posti di lavoro che vengono soppressi nella pubblica amministrazione chiudono la speranza ad altrettanti giovani ed alle loro famiglie senza alcun beneficio per lo Stato. Non ci sarà una diminuzione proporzionale dei costi dal momento che molti dei servizi verranno privatizzati ad amici della cricca che sta al governo e si introdurranno altre figure di managers e di dirigenti con un costo per ognuna pari a quello di molti posti soppressi.
Mi domando come la CGIL non provi vergogna, in questo contesto sociale, di stipulare un patto che accredita questo Governo in Europa e nel mondo proprio nel momento in cui infligge durissimi colpi ai lavoratori che non esita a diffamare assieme a Marchionne ed alla Marcegaglia ed a privare di diritti e di decenti condizioni di vita.
Questo Patto sociale serve subito ad una cosa sola: a dare una base per i soldi che la Confindustria spillerà al governo. Servirà anche a chiudere per sempre la stagione delle lotte e degli scioperi. Come potrà la CGIL fare uno sciopero contro un Governo ed un Padronato con i quali ha stipulato il patto sociale che i sindacati europei non concessero mai neppure ai governi socialdemocratici?
Bisogna dire che Berlusconi è fortunato. Sarkozy masticherà amaro after the harsh protests that had to suffer. I do not think there's anyone in Europe can boast as Berlusconi so successful. For each stroke of the whip that his government deals with workers unions are responding with great salaams. More hits and more consensus and get submission! Mussolini got rid of the Chambers of Labour, which had set fire to its first gangs to build its model of the corporate state. Berlusconi did not need to cut any reason. Bonanni, Angelletti Epifani and now are ready to follow him everywhere, even on the part of the world .... The unions are, as in the United States, from keepers of the master and the government.
The demonstration that the CGIL has opened in Rome on November 27 will be
a review of forces to show the weight and influence of the CGIL. The strike that Landini keeps asking is, as said Sacconi, a request "anachronistic, out since the seventies." The years of human rights and social advancement of the working class.
And it's true. We are no longer in a democracy in which the unions representing workers, but in a regime in which the unions that represent their interests no longer coincide with those of their members. As in the USA. Peter Ancona
http://www.rassegna.it/articoli/2010/10/28/68082/patto-sociale-prima-intesa-su-4-punti
Saturday, October 23, 2010
Make Scars More Obvious
† Trick or Treat? †
November 3, 2010
's Halloween Party, location: Castle Cristhy Ville
's Halloween Party, location: Castle Cristhy Ville
think you want to get away with it this year? Sorry to disappoint you, ladies and gentlemen, the Centre has Récréatif Korrigan in Serbian for you as an exhilarating scenic location to celebrate the event which last year received an unexpected and welcome success flocked to celebrate the advent of in the world of the living dead, you will not regret (not in this life, at least)
STRICTLY in form, and though the evening has a theme in the Gothic-vampire (named after the Castle that hosts it), you can make your beautiful scene as well with a cloth or a sack of potatoes, the important part is . addition to a horrible and succulent buffet offered by our beloved Celtic Pub , music, many gadgets ... from fear and much, much more!
Flyers short, Stay Tuned!
STRICTLY in form, and though the evening has a theme in the Gothic-vampire (named after the Castle that hosts it), you can make your beautiful scene as well with a cloth or a sack of potatoes, the important part is . addition to a horrible and succulent buffet offered by our beloved Celtic Pub , music, many gadgets ... from fear and much, much more!
Flyers short, Stay Tuned!
Sunday, October 3, 2010
Is It Muscle Spasms Or Kicking
Ricapitolando
lot of news for the Centre:
1. The initiative Rogue Wave Festival 2010 has been successful! A lot of the revenue and equity. So a big thank you from the staff of the Centre to anyone who has participated. Special thanks, of course, the Celtic Pub , whose cuisine never fails, and always gives us very welcome buffet.
2. The evening also produced two winners: The prize for a retro Wojtek (aka Woodie) and The prize for improvisation of a seraphic Floyd Wright, who played with me and Brunhilde a fantastic piece of Portishead (improvised , of course). Designated for: you have to collect their prizes here at the Centre, so hurry up!
3. Third point! After un'olandese, a Swede, an American, a Frenchman and two Norwegians, it seems fair to point also to another continent. So I present to you Ari, our new boy on trial, directly dall'asiatica Israel. I hope he is not kidnapped by the overwhelming desire to disappear without being in touch. I remember that Betty is able to bite and I think that in these days also has contracted some infectious disease similar to rabies, so ... YOU DO NOT AGREE, Ari.
4. In truth there is one point four, but I make I tell you not to make commitments for the first week of November. A City of the dead the doors will remain open for a few more days, so ...
Stay Metal!
Olaf
HMJ
Records (recording, mixing, graphics, distribution, and anything else you want for your CD)
Insomnia Records (CD sales, musical instruments, merchandising, home radio e. .. very nice place!) 
lot of news for the Centre:
1. The initiative Rogue Wave Festival 2010 has been successful! A lot of the revenue and equity. So a big thank you from the staff of the Centre to anyone who has participated. Special thanks, of course, the Celtic Pub , whose cuisine never fails, and always gives us very welcome buffet.
2. The evening also produced two winners: The prize for a retro Wojtek (aka Woodie) and The prize for improvisation of a seraphic Floyd Wright, who played with me and Brunhilde a fantastic piece of Portishead (improvised , of course). Designated for: you have to collect their prizes here at the Centre, so hurry up!
3. Third point! After un'olandese, a Swede, an American, a Frenchman and two Norwegians, it seems fair to point also to another continent. So I present to you Ari, our new boy on trial, directly dall'asiatica Israel. I hope he is not kidnapped by the overwhelming desire to disappear without being in touch. I remember that Betty is able to bite and I think that in these days also has contracted some infectious disease similar to rabies, so ... YOU DO NOT AGREE, Ari.
4. In truth there is one point four, but I make I tell you not to make commitments for the first week of November. A City of the dead the doors will remain open for a few more days, so ...
Stay Metal!
Olaf
HMJ
Records (recording, mixing, graphics, distribution, and anything else you want for your CD)
Insomnia Records (CD sales, musical instruments, merchandising, home radio e. .. very nice place!)
Sunday, September 12, 2010
Clonazepam Overdose Death
Ciauuuuuuuu!
How did you spend the summer? As for me, between high and low, let's say ... it's gone!
Now I have to roll up their sleeves for two reasons: to give the final uni exams (which can be counted on the fingers of one hand), writing a thesis and start the diet (sob)!
So I will not be very present, but I will read! ^ _ ^
said (actually written) that, I leave my pistachio parfait , of \u200b\u200bcourse, of Bronte, I have prepared on the occasion of the birthday of Zeb, my boyfriend (the 14/08).
A kiss to you all! ^ _ ^
Ps: photos are a bit shabby, but I was not at my house so I have not had the opportunity to prepare for worthy scenes and more heat was ridiculous (it was August!) And I had to hurry because melted everything!
Tuesday, August 17, 2010
How Soon Can You Take A Bath After A Hysterectomy
Foreigners in European prisons of Jura Gentium
Jura Gentium Journal of Philosophy of Law and international policy Global Jura Gentium / Home / News / Migrants /
IV (2008), 1
The detention of foreigners in European prisons (*)
Lucia Re
1. The overrepresentation of migrants in European prisons
With the speech, I propose to draw attention to a phenomenon only partially known and often misunderstood by the public because of recurrent alarmist campaigns on crime foreigners. It is the strong presence of foreign detainees in the prisons of the main European Union countries, particularly the west and south. With some hints, I'll leave aside the situation of Eastern European countries recently joined the European rather unusual characteristics with respect to migration, criminal law and prison and jail conditions. Suffice it to say that Poland has a rate of imprisonment of 235 prisoners per 100,000 inhabitants, which is more than double the EU average rate, and presence of foreigners in prison, a minimum of 0.7% of the prison population (1).
The high percentage of foreign prisoners is instead a major feature of prison systems in Western Europe and the Mediterranean. Foreigners are over-represented (ie, out of proportion to the number of foreign residents) in prisons of the main European countries. The average percentage of foreign inmates in prisons in these countries it exceeds 30% of the prison population, while the foreign presence in the territory is around 7% of the population (this is also given according to the latest Italian Migration dell'Ismu , just published).
The percentage of the prison population of foreign nationality is below the European average in some of the oldest European immigration, for example in the UK, but in the prisons of these countries there is a high percentage of citizens, children of immigrant parents . European prison administrations - with the exception of Britain - do not distinguish this category of prisoners from that of nationals of origin 'native', and the understandable concern that such a distinction may have discriminatory effects. However, in doing so, while it is formally correct to citizens of foreign origin, the other is hidden a cause for concern: in many European countries a high proportion of prisoners of foreign nationality or origin. Not only that, but, especially in the countries of north-west, is the Islamic religion and not white (the profile 'racial' is more important than commonly thought).
Prisoners of foreign nationality are particularly numerous in countries where immigration is recent and countries bordering areas of migration, for example, with Eastern Europe. Think of Germany and especially Austria, where the foreign presence in prison is a European record and is equivalent to 45% (2), or Estonia - new EU member that borders the Russian Federation - where the percentage of foreign prisoners is equal to 36.4% (3).
In the countries of the Mediterranean, bringing together the two conditions above - recent immigration and geographic contiguity with the countries of emigration - the detention of migrants appears to even be a feature of the national penitentiary systems. In Greece, Italy, Malta and Spain and foreign prisoners are on average 35% of the total (4) and come mostly from countries of the southern and eastern shores of the Mediterranean. In Italy, almost half of foreign prisoners is a native of Africa (5). While approximately 32% of foreign prisoners come from the Balkans and East Europe (Romania, Albania and former Yugoslavia) (6). Overall, more than 70% of foreign prisoners in Italian prisons come from countries that are at the periphery of the European Union and the countries that are of direct emigration to Italy.
The over-representation of foreigners is even greater with regard to women and children. In Italy the foreign women are 42% (7) of the female prison population (given the impact the very presence of Romani women) and children Foreign inmates in penal institutions for juveniles were 54.5% of the total (8). In addition, the presence of foreign minors in prison are still rising, particularly in prisons of the center-north. The percentage of children who are present in the main penal institutions for minors in central-northern Italy (Milan, Bologna, Turin, Rome and Florence) is nearly 80% and now also in prison in the south (except Naples and Sicily) the presence of foreigners is greater than or equal to half of prisoners (9). All this against a gradual reduction of inputs in prison of the Italian children, for whom the use of imprisonment has become a last resort. For children, like adults, the main paesi di provenienza sono quelli 'prossimi' all'Italia (10).
La percentuale di stranieri detenuti è in aumento in tutti i paesi dell'Unione europea e non è proporzionata al corrispondente aumento, pur verificatosi, della popolazione straniera presente sul territorio. In Italia in un solo anno, il 2002, si è registrato un vero e proprio boom dell'incarcerazione degli stranieri: la percentuale di detenuti stranieri è passata da 29,5% al 31-5-01 a quasi il 32% al 30-6-02. Da allora è rimasta sostanzialmente stabile. Le date non sono forse insignificanti, poiché coincidono con il periodo di vigenza della legge attuale sull'immigrazione, la cosiddetta Bossi- Fini, che ha riformato il T.U. sull'immigrazione.
Ecco alcuni dati in altri paesi europei:
Tabella 1. Detenuti stranieri in alcuni paesi UE (percentuale su tot. pop. det.) (11) Austria 45,1% al 1-11-2005 - molto aumentata negli ultimi 3 anni (Ministero della giustizia austriaco)
Grecia 41,7% al 16-12-2004 (Ministero della giustizia greco)
Italia 32% al 30-09-2006 - in lieve aumento dall'inizio degli anni duemila. -1% con l'approvazione dell'indulto (Ministero della giustizia)
Paesi Bassi 31,7% al 1-7-2006 - in lieve diminuzione (National Agency of Correctional Institutions)
Spagna 29,7% al 21-4-2006 - +4,3% dal 2002 (Direzione generale dell'amministrazione penit. spagnola)
Germania 28,2% al 31-3-2004 - stable (German Ministry of Justice)
Sweden to 26.2% 10/01/2005 - increased by more than 1% per year (Swedish Ministry of Justice) - only definitive.
France to 21.1% 01/04/2005 - slightly down (Ministry of Justice French) Portugal
18.5% to 31-12-2005 - increased by 6% since 2002 (Portuguese Ministry of Justice)
Uk- England and Wales to 13.6% 31/10/2005 - +1.4% since 2004 (Home Office Prison Service)
Finland to 8.0% 04.01.2006 - stable in recent years (Finnish Ministry of Justice)
2. Discrimination and criminalization of foreigners
Behind these figures there are several factors which are intertwined.
In recent years a part of sociology, media and European public opinion has placed emphasis on deviance of foreigners. Data on the presence of migrants in European prisons have been interpreted by some as a true index of their level of delinquency (Marzio Barbagli, Immigration and crime in Italy, The Mill, Bologna1998). Other authors have instead considered them as a symptom of widespread discrimination, both linked to the precarious living conditions of migrants at the difficulties they encounter when they enter into relations with the European judicial systems. For these authors, the strong presence of immigrants in prison is primarily the result of a process of criminalization (in Italian Studies see: S. Palidda, deviance and crime among immigrants, Cariplo-ISMU, Milano1994; A. Dal Lago, Non-persons, Feltrinelli, Milano 1999; F. Quassolo, Immigration same crime: representations of common sense and practical operator of law, "Italian Review of Sociology, 1, 1999, pp. 43-76).
Data on crime, while highlighting some areas where foreigners are particularly active (such as drug dealing and prostitution), do not justify this over-representation of foreigners in prison. Report published by ISTAT in 2004 on Foreigners and the prison aspects of imprisonment (Rome 2004) shows ad esempio che fra il 1991 e il 1998 (anno di promulgazione del T.U. sull'immigrazione) gli stranieri in carcere sono aumentati molto più velocemente del numero di stranieri denunciati. Il ché per gli estensori del Rapporto è un chiaro segnale degli svantaggi che affliggono gli stranieri nell'iter processuale e nell'accesso alle misure alternative alla detenzione.
Difficile è poi negare che esiste un forte legame fra l'aumento degli stranieri detenuti e l'adozione di politiche restrittive in materia di immigrazione. Analogamente è evidente il collegamento fra carcerazione degli stranieri e difficoltà di inserimento e di vita nelle società di arrivo.
I paesi impegnati in un controllo quasi militare delle proprie coasts, such as Greece, Italy or Spain, are also those where the number of foreigners in prison is higher, while the presence of foreigners on the territory of the state remains below the average of the countries of northern Europe. The imprisonment in these countries has become a major tool of immigration control and prevention of 'illegal'. In particular, the prison system in Eastern Mediterranean has taken an important role as a means of limiting freedom of movement of migrants within the EU. In Italy, the inputs in prison for violation of provisions relating to the Consolidated immigration are growing: from 2004 to 2006 was passed inputs from 2469 so motivated to 11,116 (12), a real boom. It should be noted that these crimes only concerns foreign and is therefore one of the factors that contribute to the overrepresentation of foreigners in prison.
The so-called crimes of immigration are only one factor which is achieved through the criminalization of foreigners, the instrument detention appears to act in various ways to achieve control of immigration. Note that the data mentioned above refer only to criminal detention - to prison - and do not include foreigners detained in detention centers, detention facilities which are in effect. CPT and prisons constitute an integrated system of institutions imprisonment responsible for segregation of foreigners.
I will touch briefly on this point.
Prisons in Southern Europe looks more and more detention centers where migrants are detained to be deported. This is because the majority of foreign inmates in jail are undocumented or because they were at the time of imprisonment or because they become so once out of prison, unable to re-organize the life of a 'regular'. The expulsion, therefore, often follows the detention in prison when he is not directly used, as in Italian law, as additional or alternative means to incarceration (13). According to research conducted sporadic Dap by the major Italian prisons in 2004, 80% of foreign prisoners had not allowed to stay upon entry into prison (Istat, op. cit., p. 8).
The Italian case is not in contrast with the orientation spread to the rest of Europe. The configuration of the expulsion as an alternative to punishment for illegal immigrants is present in the laws of many European countries, so as to suggest that in the European Union is creating a "system of criminal immigrants," which differs from the "Criminal Justice and Citizens' and is integrated instead of a more general system of immigration control and enforcement.
In France, the debate on "double jeopardy" - imprisonment and expulsion - which affects foreigners was very heated in the second half of the nineties. The term "double jeopardy" refers to both the administrative expulsion of foreigners who end up serving a criminal conviction, deportation is decided in court - "interdiction du territoire français" - in conjunction with a criminal conviction.
across Europe is emerging a new concept of detention as a means of incapacitation for which the objective is not to replace the condemned, but expel them from society. If the expulsion of migrants is a more effective and less expensive than imprisonment. At the same time, the imprisonment and detention in temporary holding centers tend to resemble one another: the first loses trattamentale character, while the latter acquires the distinguishing characteristics of a sentence imposed outside of sufficient procedural safeguards and inhumane conditions that are often taken for granted in (14).
The restrictive immigration laws, therefore, play a very important role in the criminalization of migrants. In some cases, they directly promote their entry into prison, in others they are crucial in making the precarious living conditions of foreigners causing them to find employment in the informal markets and illegal ones. Generally, restrictive immigration policies combine both aspects. Besides these, other aspects of society Destination encourage the involvement of migrants in criminal activities. Research conducted by Louis Marie Solivetti in 2004 (15), comparing the data on the detention of migrants and some data on the target company in 18 Western European countries, for example, has shown a positive correlation between the index and incidence of incarceration of foreigners economy. Instead there is a negative correlation with some variables such as per capita total expenditure on social protection, the proportion of people graduated, legal certainty (measured by the WB). Finally, the incarceration rate is much higher as a high index of hiding.
European countries Mediterranean, which have the highest percentage of foreign prisoners, are characterized by a relatively minor economic well-being compared to the countries of north-west, from economic instability, a more unequal distribution of income from low cultural level and by rapid growth of the foreign population of non-European origin. The higher the spread of the underground economy of illegal behavior, corruption, etc.. in the host society, the higher the number of foreigners in prison.
latter thus reflects in part the deviance and non-citizens, but it does not seem to be defined as "crime of immigrants." As argued Dario Melossi: the roots of deviance are always internal to the society in which the deviance occurs (D. Melossi, state, social control, deviance, Mondadori, Milano 2002, p. 283). In the Italian case, for example, "the two activities central to the forms of deviance which are very serious players immigrants - the drug market and that of street prostitution - (...) activities are designed to meet all the needs that existed before ' Immigration and still are broadly defined as Italians (...) From this point of view, the criminals 'Tunisia', 'Moroccan', 'Albanian' and how many others are not such, but they are criminals in every respect 'Italian' ( ...) " (D. Melossi, 2002, 283). I mercati illegali che soddisfano i bisogni di trasgressione e di svago dei cittadini europei necessitano di manodopera al pari degli altri mercati: essi creano quindi occasioni di emigrazione, che sono spesso più facili da cogliere e più fruttuose delle occasioni legali.
A questi fattori si devono aggiungere i diversi meccanismi di discriminazione razziale e/o etnica che sono presenti a tutti i livelli del sistema penale: dalle pratiche di polizia alla fase d'esecuzione della pena, passando per il processo. Queste discriminazioni sono solo in parte consapevoli: spesso derivano da scelte tecniche finalizzate a rendere efficiente in termini di risultati quantitativi l'operato delle forze di polizia o dipendono dalle characteristics of a penal system and prison designed for citizens, that does not fit the legal and social status of migrants,
Migrants are often subject to discriminatory control activities: European police resort to practices of control and repression penalize them (16). Strategies to combat terrorism then tend to favor the practice of selective arrest and search of Muslim citizens and immigrants (17). In the aftermath of the terrorist attack in London, as well as the failed attempt last summer, in the main European Union countries discussed the desirability of promoting the controls on immigrants and has begun a series of police operations specifically directed towards Muslim communities, beyond the monitoring requirements imposed by the ongoing investigations.
Non-governmental organizations have repeatedly denounced the use of 'Ethnic Profiling' - ethnic lines for the orientation of the policing and for the filing of the statement - by the European police forces, especially after the ' September 11, 2001 (18). A police these policies plus the arbitrary discrimination that occur in cases where the police feel empowered to hold racist attitudes because public opinion demands a tough response to crime. Sociological studies (19) and journalistic investigations hanno messo in luce i comportamenti razzisti tenuti dalle forze di polizia e dai tribunali penali, comportamenti che emergono ad esempio anche dalla lettura dei rapporti sulla detenzione dei migranti nell'Europa del sud stilati dal Comitato del Consiglio d'Europa per la prevenzione della tortura.
L'impressione è, tuttavia, che a esporre i migranti alla repressione penale, più che i consapevoli atteggiamenti discriminatori e razzisti di alcuni attori del sistema penale, siano, da una parte, la "discriminazione strutturale" (20) dovuta alla condizione sociale degli stranieri, dall'altra, la scelta di una politica di controllo selettiva che sceglie di concentrarsi sui migranti. Sotto quest'ultimo aspetto è evidente come le politiche adopted since the early nineties in most European countries in immigration have led to an intensification of controls on foreigners: the national police forces have made regular operations aimed to show the commitment of law enforcement in contrast to 'illegal immigration. Foreigners, being subject to continuous controls, tend to accumulate complaints, indictments and convictions of becoming multiple offender.
Among the forms of structural discrimination is particularly serious one that derives from the inadequacy of many European legal systems to treat migrants as other citizens. The most illuminating example is that related to the use of non-grant foreign precautionary measures alternative to prison custody. This practice, along with the similar practice of not granting to the foreign prisoners on probation or other alternative sanctions to imprisonment, is a major cause of the large number of foreigners held in prisons in Europe. There is thus a need to implement structural reforms and European legal systems to provide the human and economic resources necessary to ensure it will work even against migrants, which appear before the courts and whose presence in prison can not most certainly be considered as an exceptional event (21).
----------------------------------------------- ---------------------------------
Notes
*. Paper presented at the Study Days on the rights of migrants, fourth year, the Faculty of Law, University of Ferrara, 14/03/2007.
1. Polish Ministry of Justice, updated in 30.11.2006. See International Centre for Prison Studies, World Prison Brief.
2. Details of the Austrian Ministry of Justice, to 1.11.2005. See International Centre for Prison Studies, World Prison Brief.
3. Data from the Ministry of Justice of Estonia, 31.10.2005. See ibid.
4. The data are as follows: 29.7% in Spain, in Italy 32%, 35% to 41.7% in Malta and Greece.
5. To 30.06.2006, the Moroccans were 20% of the foreign detainees, 9.7% of the Tunisians, Algerians, 6.3% and 10.4% were from other African countries. The pardon did not significantly change in these percentages, despite a slight decline of African prisoners rose from 48.3% to 43.8% of foreign prisoners. Ministry of Justice, data refer to 31.12.2006
6. Department of Prison, the prison population and resources of the prison administration, Ministry of Justice, Rome 2006.
7. My elaboration on data provided by the Ministry of Justice reporting the situation to 06/30/2002.
8. V. Belotti, "Double trouble", crime and criminalization, in V. Belotti, R. Maurizio, AC Moor, eds, Minor Foreigners in prison, Guerini e Associati, Milano 2006, p. 101. Revision Istat and the Ministry of Justice for 2004.
9. Ibid, p. 102.
10. Romania (31%), Morocco (24%), Serbia (16%) and Albania (9%). Ibid.
11. The majority of the above data is from International Centre for Prison Studies, World Prison Brief, cit.
12. Department of Prison, the prison population and resources of the prison, cit.
13. The Italian immigration law provides that every alien in prison for an offense under Article. 380, first and second paragraphs of the Code of Criminal Procedure and for any offense related to drugs or sexual freedom should be deported once his sentence. Article. 16 of the Consolidation Act on Immigration, as it has been amended by the 2002 measure, also involves the use of expulsion as an alternative measure to imprisonment. The surveillance judge should in fact proceed to the expulsion of all foreign detainees are illegal they are identifiable and are less than two years of imprisonment to be served. The Bossi-Fini law has since ruled that immigrants who have committed a crime for which the arrest is expected in the act can not obtain the renewal of residence permit and then go to the expulsion meeting. The expulsion becomes explicitly a penalty, setting up an ad hoc criminal regime for migrants. The law had finally provided the mandatory arrest of illegal alien who had not complied with the order to leave the country within five days or that had violated the obligation of re-entry. The arrest was designed to allow the immediate deportation. The Constitutional Court established the unconstitutionality of this provision. The special mechanism of sanctions was, however, restored by the Law 271, 2004, which transformed the violation of the order to leave the country in contravention of the crime, making it legitimate in the act required the arrest and allowing the alien to be the first arrested and then expelled. Deportation and imprisonment sono dunque state equiparate. In questo modo la funzione rieducativa della pena è definitivamente cancellata ed è esplicitamente istituito un sistema penale differenziato per gli stranieri.
14. Vedi la denuncia del giornalista Federico Gatti che, fingendosi migrante, è riuscito a entrare nel Centro di detenzione temporanea di Lampedusa (F. GATTI, Io clandestino a Lampedusa, "L'espresso", 40 (2005)). Gatti ha sostenuto che la sua presenza a Lampedusa, come quella di molti migranti entrati con lui nel Centro nella settimana fra il 24 e il 30 settembre 2005, non è mai stata convalidata dal giudice. Le condizioni igieniche del Centro sono secondo il giornalista gravissime. Inoltre, durante la sua reclusione, egli ha potuto assistere the racist attitudes of many police officers on duty in the Centre, to beatings and psychological forms of violence against detainees. The issue of detention centers deserve to be addressed in detail. Here we can only mention some of the most serious concern in these detention centers. For a discussion of the matter is key sociological, and philosophical and policy, see F. Rahola, Zone definitely temporary. Internment camps and human rights, Shadow Court, Verona 2003.
15. LM Solivetti, Immigration, Integration and Crime in Europe, Il Mulino, Bologna 2004.
16. Data on persons stopped and searched by the police (according to the technique of "stop and search ") in the United Kingdom in 2003-2004, reported by the Home Office, show that blacks were stopped six times more than whites and Asians twice as many whites.
17. In March 2005 the Minister of 'UK has explicitly recognized that domestic anti-terrorism measures are designed to hit mostly Muslims, since the threat stems from the Islamic world.
18. The subject is treated exhaustively in the dossier prepared by the Open Society Justice Initiative (AA.VV. , Ethnic Profiling by Police in Europe, Open Society Justice Initiative, London 2005). According to some analysts, the EU police force, Europol, with primary responsibility for prevention and suppression of crime organized by the assumption that crime is organized along ethnic lines. Public opinion supports the belief that these discriminatory practices are effective in countering terrorism and international crime.
19. See for example F. Quassolo, Immigration same crime: representations of common sense and practice of legal practitioners, "Italian Review of Sociology, 1 (1999).
20. The term refers to the sociology of Pierre Bourdieu, refers to discrimination resulting from poverty to economic capital, social and cultural life of the marginalized migrants pushing it. This term, however, I refer also to 'non-fitness' foreigners to relate to an apparatus which provides for criminal safeguards designed to citizens, ie subjects in the social fabric and well integrated with economic instruments, social and cultural migrants do not have.
21. To close with an optimistic note in any way (or idealistic, depending on your point of view) I would like to mention the proposed reform of the penitentiary is currently lying in parliament. This is a reform developed under the coordination of Alessandro Margara, former Director of DAP, a friend and collaborator Mario Gozzini, which will remove as much as possible the rules that discriminate against foreigners in the execution phase: the granting of permits to alternative measures, up to interviews and phone calls. If such a reform was passed, Italy would be a big step forward in the elimination of "structural discrimination" that contributes to the strong presence of foreigners in prison.
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IV (2008), 1
The detention of foreigners in European prisons (*)
Lucia Re
1. The overrepresentation of migrants in European prisons
With the speech, I propose to draw attention to a phenomenon only partially known and often misunderstood by the public because of recurrent alarmist campaigns on crime foreigners. It is the strong presence of foreign detainees in the prisons of the main European Union countries, particularly the west and south. With some hints, I'll leave aside the situation of Eastern European countries recently joined the European rather unusual characteristics with respect to migration, criminal law and prison and jail conditions. Suffice it to say that Poland has a rate of imprisonment of 235 prisoners per 100,000 inhabitants, which is more than double the EU average rate, and presence of foreigners in prison, a minimum of 0.7% of the prison population (1).
The high percentage of foreign prisoners is instead a major feature of prison systems in Western Europe and the Mediterranean. Foreigners are over-represented (ie, out of proportion to the number of foreign residents) in prisons of the main European countries. The average percentage of foreign inmates in prisons in these countries it exceeds 30% of the prison population, while the foreign presence in the territory is around 7% of the population (this is also given according to the latest Italian Migration dell'Ismu , just published).
The percentage of the prison population of foreign nationality is below the European average in some of the oldest European immigration, for example in the UK, but in the prisons of these countries there is a high percentage of citizens, children of immigrant parents . European prison administrations - with the exception of Britain - do not distinguish this category of prisoners from that of nationals of origin 'native', and the understandable concern that such a distinction may have discriminatory effects. However, in doing so, while it is formally correct to citizens of foreign origin, the other is hidden a cause for concern: in many European countries a high proportion of prisoners of foreign nationality or origin. Not only that, but, especially in the countries of north-west, is the Islamic religion and not white (the profile 'racial' is more important than commonly thought).
Prisoners of foreign nationality are particularly numerous in countries where immigration is recent and countries bordering areas of migration, for example, with Eastern Europe. Think of Germany and especially Austria, where the foreign presence in prison is a European record and is equivalent to 45% (2), or Estonia - new EU member that borders the Russian Federation - where the percentage of foreign prisoners is equal to 36.4% (3).
In the countries of the Mediterranean, bringing together the two conditions above - recent immigration and geographic contiguity with the countries of emigration - the detention of migrants appears to even be a feature of the national penitentiary systems. In Greece, Italy, Malta and Spain and foreign prisoners are on average 35% of the total (4) and come mostly from countries of the southern and eastern shores of the Mediterranean. In Italy, almost half of foreign prisoners is a native of Africa (5). While approximately 32% of foreign prisoners come from the Balkans and East Europe (Romania, Albania and former Yugoslavia) (6). Overall, more than 70% of foreign prisoners in Italian prisons come from countries that are at the periphery of the European Union and the countries that are of direct emigration to Italy.
The over-representation of foreigners is even greater with regard to women and children. In Italy the foreign women are 42% (7) of the female prison population (given the impact the very presence of Romani women) and children Foreign inmates in penal institutions for juveniles were 54.5% of the total (8). In addition, the presence of foreign minors in prison are still rising, particularly in prisons of the center-north. The percentage of children who are present in the main penal institutions for minors in central-northern Italy (Milan, Bologna, Turin, Rome and Florence) is nearly 80% and now also in prison in the south (except Naples and Sicily) the presence of foreigners is greater than or equal to half of prisoners (9). All this against a gradual reduction of inputs in prison of the Italian children, for whom the use of imprisonment has become a last resort. For children, like adults, the main paesi di provenienza sono quelli 'prossimi' all'Italia (10).
La percentuale di stranieri detenuti è in aumento in tutti i paesi dell'Unione europea e non è proporzionata al corrispondente aumento, pur verificatosi, della popolazione straniera presente sul territorio. In Italia in un solo anno, il 2002, si è registrato un vero e proprio boom dell'incarcerazione degli stranieri: la percentuale di detenuti stranieri è passata da 29,5% al 31-5-01 a quasi il 32% al 30-6-02. Da allora è rimasta sostanzialmente stabile. Le date non sono forse insignificanti, poiché coincidono con il periodo di vigenza della legge attuale sull'immigrazione, la cosiddetta Bossi- Fini, che ha riformato il T.U. sull'immigrazione.
Ecco alcuni dati in altri paesi europei:
Tabella 1. Detenuti stranieri in alcuni paesi UE (percentuale su tot. pop. det.) (11) Austria 45,1% al 1-11-2005 - molto aumentata negli ultimi 3 anni (Ministero della giustizia austriaco)
Grecia 41,7% al 16-12-2004 (Ministero della giustizia greco)
Italia 32% al 30-09-2006 - in lieve aumento dall'inizio degli anni duemila. -1% con l'approvazione dell'indulto (Ministero della giustizia)
Paesi Bassi 31,7% al 1-7-2006 - in lieve diminuzione (National Agency of Correctional Institutions)
Spagna 29,7% al 21-4-2006 - +4,3% dal 2002 (Direzione generale dell'amministrazione penit. spagnola)
Germania 28,2% al 31-3-2004 - stable (German Ministry of Justice)
Sweden to 26.2% 10/01/2005 - increased by more than 1% per year (Swedish Ministry of Justice) - only definitive.
France to 21.1% 01/04/2005 - slightly down (Ministry of Justice French) Portugal
18.5% to 31-12-2005 - increased by 6% since 2002 (Portuguese Ministry of Justice)
Uk- England and Wales to 13.6% 31/10/2005 - +1.4% since 2004 (Home Office Prison Service)
Finland to 8.0% 04.01.2006 - stable in recent years (Finnish Ministry of Justice)
2. Discrimination and criminalization of foreigners
Behind these figures there are several factors which are intertwined.
In recent years a part of sociology, media and European public opinion has placed emphasis on deviance of foreigners. Data on the presence of migrants in European prisons have been interpreted by some as a true index of their level of delinquency (Marzio Barbagli, Immigration and crime in Italy, The Mill, Bologna1998). Other authors have instead considered them as a symptom of widespread discrimination, both linked to the precarious living conditions of migrants at the difficulties they encounter when they enter into relations with the European judicial systems. For these authors, the strong presence of immigrants in prison is primarily the result of a process of criminalization (in Italian Studies see: S. Palidda, deviance and crime among immigrants, Cariplo-ISMU, Milano1994; A. Dal Lago, Non-persons, Feltrinelli, Milano 1999; F. Quassolo, Immigration same crime: representations of common sense and practical operator of law, "Italian Review of Sociology, 1, 1999, pp. 43-76).
Data on crime, while highlighting some areas where foreigners are particularly active (such as drug dealing and prostitution), do not justify this over-representation of foreigners in prison. Report published by ISTAT in 2004 on Foreigners and the prison aspects of imprisonment (Rome 2004) shows ad esempio che fra il 1991 e il 1998 (anno di promulgazione del T.U. sull'immigrazione) gli stranieri in carcere sono aumentati molto più velocemente del numero di stranieri denunciati. Il ché per gli estensori del Rapporto è un chiaro segnale degli svantaggi che affliggono gli stranieri nell'iter processuale e nell'accesso alle misure alternative alla detenzione.
Difficile è poi negare che esiste un forte legame fra l'aumento degli stranieri detenuti e l'adozione di politiche restrittive in materia di immigrazione. Analogamente è evidente il collegamento fra carcerazione degli stranieri e difficoltà di inserimento e di vita nelle società di arrivo.
I paesi impegnati in un controllo quasi militare delle proprie coasts, such as Greece, Italy or Spain, are also those where the number of foreigners in prison is higher, while the presence of foreigners on the territory of the state remains below the average of the countries of northern Europe. The imprisonment in these countries has become a major tool of immigration control and prevention of 'illegal'. In particular, the prison system in Eastern Mediterranean has taken an important role as a means of limiting freedom of movement of migrants within the EU. In Italy, the inputs in prison for violation of provisions relating to the Consolidated immigration are growing: from 2004 to 2006 was passed inputs from 2469 so motivated to 11,116 (12), a real boom. It should be noted that these crimes only concerns foreign and is therefore one of the factors that contribute to the overrepresentation of foreigners in prison.
The so-called crimes of immigration are only one factor which is achieved through the criminalization of foreigners, the instrument detention appears to act in various ways to achieve control of immigration. Note that the data mentioned above refer only to criminal detention - to prison - and do not include foreigners detained in detention centers, detention facilities which are in effect. CPT and prisons constitute an integrated system of institutions imprisonment responsible for segregation of foreigners.
I will touch briefly on this point.
Prisons in Southern Europe looks more and more detention centers where migrants are detained to be deported. This is because the majority of foreign inmates in jail are undocumented or because they were at the time of imprisonment or because they become so once out of prison, unable to re-organize the life of a 'regular'. The expulsion, therefore, often follows the detention in prison when he is not directly used, as in Italian law, as additional or alternative means to incarceration (13). According to research conducted sporadic Dap by the major Italian prisons in 2004, 80% of foreign prisoners had not allowed to stay upon entry into prison (Istat, op. cit., p. 8).
The Italian case is not in contrast with the orientation spread to the rest of Europe. The configuration of the expulsion as an alternative to punishment for illegal immigrants is present in the laws of many European countries, so as to suggest that in the European Union is creating a "system of criminal immigrants," which differs from the "Criminal Justice and Citizens' and is integrated instead of a more general system of immigration control and enforcement.
In France, the debate on "double jeopardy" - imprisonment and expulsion - which affects foreigners was very heated in the second half of the nineties. The term "double jeopardy" refers to both the administrative expulsion of foreigners who end up serving a criminal conviction, deportation is decided in court - "interdiction du territoire français" - in conjunction with a criminal conviction.
across Europe is emerging a new concept of detention as a means of incapacitation for which the objective is not to replace the condemned, but expel them from society. If the expulsion of migrants is a more effective and less expensive than imprisonment. At the same time, the imprisonment and detention in temporary holding centers tend to resemble one another: the first loses trattamentale character, while the latter acquires the distinguishing characteristics of a sentence imposed outside of sufficient procedural safeguards and inhumane conditions that are often taken for granted in (14).
The restrictive immigration laws, therefore, play a very important role in the criminalization of migrants. In some cases, they directly promote their entry into prison, in others they are crucial in making the precarious living conditions of foreigners causing them to find employment in the informal markets and illegal ones. Generally, restrictive immigration policies combine both aspects. Besides these, other aspects of society Destination encourage the involvement of migrants in criminal activities. Research conducted by Louis Marie Solivetti in 2004 (15), comparing the data on the detention of migrants and some data on the target company in 18 Western European countries, for example, has shown a positive correlation between the index and incidence of incarceration of foreigners economy. Instead there is a negative correlation with some variables such as per capita total expenditure on social protection, the proportion of people graduated, legal certainty (measured by the WB). Finally, the incarceration rate is much higher as a high index of hiding.
European countries Mediterranean, which have the highest percentage of foreign prisoners, are characterized by a relatively minor economic well-being compared to the countries of north-west, from economic instability, a more unequal distribution of income from low cultural level and by rapid growth of the foreign population of non-European origin. The higher the spread of the underground economy of illegal behavior, corruption, etc.. in the host society, the higher the number of foreigners in prison.
latter thus reflects in part the deviance and non-citizens, but it does not seem to be defined as "crime of immigrants." As argued Dario Melossi: the roots of deviance are always internal to the society in which the deviance occurs (D. Melossi, state, social control, deviance, Mondadori, Milano 2002, p. 283). In the Italian case, for example, "the two activities central to the forms of deviance which are very serious players immigrants - the drug market and that of street prostitution - (...) activities are designed to meet all the needs that existed before ' Immigration and still are broadly defined as Italians (...) From this point of view, the criminals 'Tunisia', 'Moroccan', 'Albanian' and how many others are not such, but they are criminals in every respect 'Italian' ( ...) " (D. Melossi, 2002, 283). I mercati illegali che soddisfano i bisogni di trasgressione e di svago dei cittadini europei necessitano di manodopera al pari degli altri mercati: essi creano quindi occasioni di emigrazione, che sono spesso più facili da cogliere e più fruttuose delle occasioni legali.
A questi fattori si devono aggiungere i diversi meccanismi di discriminazione razziale e/o etnica che sono presenti a tutti i livelli del sistema penale: dalle pratiche di polizia alla fase d'esecuzione della pena, passando per il processo. Queste discriminazioni sono solo in parte consapevoli: spesso derivano da scelte tecniche finalizzate a rendere efficiente in termini di risultati quantitativi l'operato delle forze di polizia o dipendono dalle characteristics of a penal system and prison designed for citizens, that does not fit the legal and social status of migrants,
Migrants are often subject to discriminatory control activities: European police resort to practices of control and repression penalize them (16). Strategies to combat terrorism then tend to favor the practice of selective arrest and search of Muslim citizens and immigrants (17). In the aftermath of the terrorist attack in London, as well as the failed attempt last summer, in the main European Union countries discussed the desirability of promoting the controls on immigrants and has begun a series of police operations specifically directed towards Muslim communities, beyond the monitoring requirements imposed by the ongoing investigations.
Non-governmental organizations have repeatedly denounced the use of 'Ethnic Profiling' - ethnic lines for the orientation of the policing and for the filing of the statement - by the European police forces, especially after the ' September 11, 2001 (18). A police these policies plus the arbitrary discrimination that occur in cases where the police feel empowered to hold racist attitudes because public opinion demands a tough response to crime. Sociological studies (19) and journalistic investigations hanno messo in luce i comportamenti razzisti tenuti dalle forze di polizia e dai tribunali penali, comportamenti che emergono ad esempio anche dalla lettura dei rapporti sulla detenzione dei migranti nell'Europa del sud stilati dal Comitato del Consiglio d'Europa per la prevenzione della tortura.
L'impressione è, tuttavia, che a esporre i migranti alla repressione penale, più che i consapevoli atteggiamenti discriminatori e razzisti di alcuni attori del sistema penale, siano, da una parte, la "discriminazione strutturale" (20) dovuta alla condizione sociale degli stranieri, dall'altra, la scelta di una politica di controllo selettiva che sceglie di concentrarsi sui migranti. Sotto quest'ultimo aspetto è evidente come le politiche adopted since the early nineties in most European countries in immigration have led to an intensification of controls on foreigners: the national police forces have made regular operations aimed to show the commitment of law enforcement in contrast to 'illegal immigration. Foreigners, being subject to continuous controls, tend to accumulate complaints, indictments and convictions of becoming multiple offender.
Among the forms of structural discrimination is particularly serious one that derives from the inadequacy of many European legal systems to treat migrants as other citizens. The most illuminating example is that related to the use of non-grant foreign precautionary measures alternative to prison custody. This practice, along with the similar practice of not granting to the foreign prisoners on probation or other alternative sanctions to imprisonment, is a major cause of the large number of foreigners held in prisons in Europe. There is thus a need to implement structural reforms and European legal systems to provide the human and economic resources necessary to ensure it will work even against migrants, which appear before the courts and whose presence in prison can not most certainly be considered as an exceptional event (21).
----------------------------------------------- ---------------------------------
Notes
*. Paper presented at the Study Days on the rights of migrants, fourth year, the Faculty of Law, University of Ferrara, 14/03/2007.
1. Polish Ministry of Justice, updated in 30.11.2006. See International Centre for Prison Studies, World Prison Brief.
2. Details of the Austrian Ministry of Justice, to 1.11.2005. See International Centre for Prison Studies, World Prison Brief.
3. Data from the Ministry of Justice of Estonia, 31.10.2005. See ibid.
4. The data are as follows: 29.7% in Spain, in Italy 32%, 35% to 41.7% in Malta and Greece.
5. To 30.06.2006, the Moroccans were 20% of the foreign detainees, 9.7% of the Tunisians, Algerians, 6.3% and 10.4% were from other African countries. The pardon did not significantly change in these percentages, despite a slight decline of African prisoners rose from 48.3% to 43.8% of foreign prisoners. Ministry of Justice, data refer to 31.12.2006
6. Department of Prison, the prison population and resources of the prison administration, Ministry of Justice, Rome 2006.
7. My elaboration on data provided by the Ministry of Justice reporting the situation to 06/30/2002.
8. V. Belotti, "Double trouble", crime and criminalization, in V. Belotti, R. Maurizio, AC Moor, eds, Minor Foreigners in prison, Guerini e Associati, Milano 2006, p. 101. Revision Istat and the Ministry of Justice for 2004.
9. Ibid, p. 102.
10. Romania (31%), Morocco (24%), Serbia (16%) and Albania (9%). Ibid.
11. The majority of the above data is from International Centre for Prison Studies, World Prison Brief, cit.
12. Department of Prison, the prison population and resources of the prison, cit.
13. The Italian immigration law provides that every alien in prison for an offense under Article. 380, first and second paragraphs of the Code of Criminal Procedure and for any offense related to drugs or sexual freedom should be deported once his sentence. Article. 16 of the Consolidation Act on Immigration, as it has been amended by the 2002 measure, also involves the use of expulsion as an alternative measure to imprisonment. The surveillance judge should in fact proceed to the expulsion of all foreign detainees are illegal they are identifiable and are less than two years of imprisonment to be served. The Bossi-Fini law has since ruled that immigrants who have committed a crime for which the arrest is expected in the act can not obtain the renewal of residence permit and then go to the expulsion meeting. The expulsion becomes explicitly a penalty, setting up an ad hoc criminal regime for migrants. The law had finally provided the mandatory arrest of illegal alien who had not complied with the order to leave the country within five days or that had violated the obligation of re-entry. The arrest was designed to allow the immediate deportation. The Constitutional Court established the unconstitutionality of this provision. The special mechanism of sanctions was, however, restored by the Law 271, 2004, which transformed the violation of the order to leave the country in contravention of the crime, making it legitimate in the act required the arrest and allowing the alien to be the first arrested and then expelled. Deportation and imprisonment sono dunque state equiparate. In questo modo la funzione rieducativa della pena è definitivamente cancellata ed è esplicitamente istituito un sistema penale differenziato per gli stranieri.
14. Vedi la denuncia del giornalista Federico Gatti che, fingendosi migrante, è riuscito a entrare nel Centro di detenzione temporanea di Lampedusa (F. GATTI, Io clandestino a Lampedusa, "L'espresso", 40 (2005)). Gatti ha sostenuto che la sua presenza a Lampedusa, come quella di molti migranti entrati con lui nel Centro nella settimana fra il 24 e il 30 settembre 2005, non è mai stata convalidata dal giudice. Le condizioni igieniche del Centro sono secondo il giornalista gravissime. Inoltre, durante la sua reclusione, egli ha potuto assistere the racist attitudes of many police officers on duty in the Centre, to beatings and psychological forms of violence against detainees. The issue of detention centers deserve to be addressed in detail. Here we can only mention some of the most serious concern in these detention centers. For a discussion of the matter is key sociological, and philosophical and policy, see F. Rahola, Zone definitely temporary. Internment camps and human rights, Shadow Court, Verona 2003.
15. LM Solivetti, Immigration, Integration and Crime in Europe, Il Mulino, Bologna 2004.
16. Data on persons stopped and searched by the police (according to the technique of "stop and search ") in the United Kingdom in 2003-2004, reported by the Home Office, show that blacks were stopped six times more than whites and Asians twice as many whites.
17. In March 2005 the Minister of 'UK has explicitly recognized that domestic anti-terrorism measures are designed to hit mostly Muslims, since the threat stems from the Islamic world.
18. The subject is treated exhaustively in the dossier prepared by the Open Society Justice Initiative (AA.VV. , Ethnic Profiling by Police in Europe, Open Society Justice Initiative, London 2005). According to some analysts, the EU police force, Europol, with primary responsibility for prevention and suppression of crime organized by the assumption that crime is organized along ethnic lines. Public opinion supports the belief that these discriminatory practices are effective in countering terrorism and international crime.
19. See for example F. Quassolo, Immigration same crime: representations of common sense and practice of legal practitioners, "Italian Review of Sociology, 1 (1999).
20. The term refers to the sociology of Pierre Bourdieu, refers to discrimination resulting from poverty to economic capital, social and cultural life of the marginalized migrants pushing it. This term, however, I refer also to 'non-fitness' foreigners to relate to an apparatus which provides for criminal safeguards designed to citizens, ie subjects in the social fabric and well integrated with economic instruments, social and cultural migrants do not have.
21. To close with an optimistic note in any way (or idealistic, depending on your point of view) I would like to mention the proposed reform of the penitentiary is currently lying in parliament. This is a reform developed under the coordination of Alessandro Margara, former Director of DAP, a friend and collaborator Mario Gozzini, which will remove as much as possible the rules that discriminate against foreigners in the execution phase: the granting of permits to alternative measures, up to interviews and phone calls. If such a reform was passed, Italy would be a big step forward in the elimination of "structural discrimination" that contributes to the strong presence of foreigners in prison.
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Saturday, August 14, 2010
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Andrea Costa, founder of the Italian Socialist Party electoral
Salvatore Lo Leggio
Essays and Reviews politics, literature and diverse humanity. Every Sunday an article on the events of the week. Every Monday, a poetry page. Almost every day new songs and old songs. Appointments and books. Bourgeois, reactionary, pretonzoli and pigtails, and reggicode Sack, pimps and big sheep, beware!
14.8.10
For the centenary of Andrew Costa (Imola 1851 to 1910). Interview with Charles De Maria.
The centenary of the death of Andrea Costa, the Italian anarchist who founded socialism, has gone virtually unnoticed: a few articles in newspapers, a conference and an exhibition in his Imola, not reflected upon. This little blog is already a couple of posts that use the centennial to commemorate some of the most significant passages of great ethical and political experience (http://salvatoreloleggio.blogspot.com/2010/01/per- centenary-of-the-coast-andrea-imola.html - Http://salvatoreloleggio.blogspot.com/2010/02/per-il-centenario-di-andrea-costa-imola.html). Today I would add a nice interview at the historic Charles De Maria, which I found in the archive of magazine worthy "A City", derived from number 175 in June 2010 and designed by Franco Melandri and Gianni Saporetti. (SLL)
De Carlo Maria conducts research at the Department of History, University of Bologna. It deals with the history of socialism, popular associations of local governments. He has worked on paper and on the biography of Camillo Berneri and Giovanna, and Alessandro Schiavi Andrea Costa. Recently he edited Andrea Costa and the Government the city. The administrative experience of Imola and municipalism popular. 1881-1914, (exhibition catalog organized to mark the centenary of the death of Andrea Costa), Diabasis, 2010.
Andrea Costa was instrumental in the history of Italian socialism, and the same story in Italy, but is now a virtually forgotten figure, almost considered a second floor ...
It 's true that today we speak little of Andrea Costa and, more generally, are the traditions of socialism (this term in its broadest sense, from anarchism to socialism reform) that seem to be given more attention in public debate, in the cultural life of the country. The Costa recalls the figure of the political events that now seem distant and biography, but in reality they are not disconnected from our time and are still able to talk. I am convinced that, in some respects, Costa turns out to be our contemporary.
Can you talk about his life?
Costa was born in 1851 and belongs to the young generation born too late to participate in the struggles of the Risorgimento. The first recruits, like him, of social anarchism were, somehow, missed the partisans. In many cases it was very close to their ideal relationship with Garibaldi. For example, the link between Costa and Garibaldi is an intense bond: it preserves a letter of 1872 in Costa Garibaldi, who then, in 1907, participated in the pilgrimage to Caprera, on the occasion of the centenary of the birth of the 'hero of two worlds. "The relationship and exchange between the first and Garibaldi Italian socialism can be attributed to several reasons, notably the fact that the patriotism of Garibaldi He had never closed a national perspective, but instead was married to a battle for freedom and social justice wider: properly internationalist.
This is just one example of how, through the path of the young Costa, you can pick socialism in its nascent state and follow the formation of the socialist movement in our country. Precisely because of his personal history, Costa had the ability to represent socialism in the broadest sense of the term (in a moral sense, in fact), over currents and parties. A story is the emergence of the deep Italian and European left, the many strands of thought and social action that the 800 animated and in the decades around the turn of 1900, making it a plural universe. The vitality of that first socialism and his wealth consisted in the diversity of schools (as has so often pointed Pino Ferraris).
Since the last decades 800, Costa is a point of reference for the popular associations throughout Italy, from Sicily to the northern regions. Also this way passes the consolidation of the recent national unity. It has often insisted on an estrangement from the institutions of the socialist world of the liberal state, but in fact the precious heritage of solidarity and civic education sedimentatosi thanks to the work of trade unions, cooperatives and municipalities contributed to the consolidation of the young red-national community. I am referring to the many issues associated personnel, the meeting between the spirit of association and economic initiative, to the many forms of so-called "social economy" or "popular economy" by mutual aid, cooperation, the rural banks (phenomena affects not only the secular and socialist side, but also Catholic). There is an image of the returned civil society as a place of solidarity was central to the relationship between autonomy and solidarity. How
wrote Nadia Urbinati (just about "a city"), to join a shared purpose and individually chosen is the essence of democracy. The problem is that, during the '900, and in society more and more rigidly structured, it is often lost when the link between the association and organization: the latter has prevailed, suppressing the first irreparably. From the party-association has gone to the party-organization. Tapping into the origins of socialism (and I mean In particular, the social anarchy) means also reduce the polarization between individualism and collectivism. A contradiction between two abstractions - as I explained Pino Ferraris - which was strongly driven by the challenge in the twentieth century between communism and capitalism, and that ended, however, to forget how vital experience there can be no society without individuals, as well as there are no individuals without society.
I do not want to pass the oversimplified idea of \u200b\u200bthe twentieth century as a period of closure, compared with fertile ideas developed in the previous century. Not true, but certainly if we question the decentralized model of socialism at the end of '800 and early '900, a municipal reform by many centers widespread in society, we can not forget that, historically, its crisis is marked at the European level, since the advent of Fascism, the growth of the state apparatus, also left by the emergence of a technocratic and centralized idea (often authoritarian) in the management of politics and economics. Of course, in all this, he played a key role in the economic crisis of 1929-31, which was thought to address the need to increase state intervention in society. It is the process that led to refer to the philosophical categories of Aldo Capitini, "absolute state" (which is stated precisely in the '20s and '30s ’900), al quale si è poi aggiunto, nel secondo dopoguerra, "l’assoluto del benessere”: il consumismo e la frenesia dei consumi (come ricorda spesso Goffredo Fofi). Sono questi assoluti che hanno cancellato l’esperienza del primo socialismo italiano ed europeo, del socialismo decentrato e libertario che attraversa praticamente tutta la vita e l’azione di Costa.
Tuttavia, dicevi che Costa ha ancora un interesse per l’oggi...
Bisogna ricominciare a pensare in termini di un nuovo inizio, credo proprio di sì, ma senza radici e senza tradizioni politiche che costituiscano una ispirazione e un punto di riferimento ideale ho l’impressione che non si vada da nessuna parte. Con reference to current: it is vain to repeat to be "reformers", then if the term turns out to be empty, unable to engage in a tradition of political culture, history, or perhaps I should tell more stories. To speak to Andrea Costa, however, should start with some historical references. So, first things first.
In 1864, in London, founded the International Workers Association, the First International, and one of the founders, along with Marx and Engels, there are Mazzini, there are anarchists Proudhon and mutualist of other currents of the European left.
Under the Statute of the International this plurality has a character quite vague and the only fixed point clearly regards the mutual support and communication between the workers' associations in Europe, all in view of the emancipation of workers and the general reform of society, in turn, placed in the general perspective of a "new humanity". At the same
1864, Mikhail Bakunin - Russian noble past and democratic activity antizarista - arrives in Italy following the eco business Garibaldi, an echo even arrived in Siberia, where Bakunin had escaped after several years of imprisonment. First Bakunin moved to Florence, then went to Naples and that is where they begin to birth the "brotherhood", ie sections of the "International Alliance of socialist democracy ", the organization that Bakunin is building and will soon be merged into First International. The Russian revolutionary is followed especially among the elements of the Republican Left, which in fact are Alberto Mario, Florence, and Saverio Friscia, Charles Gambuzzi, Giuseppe Fanelli (which will be the initiator of the anarchist movement in Spain) in Naples.
The "Brotherhood" Bakunin are, in fact, the first cells of socialism in Italy, but only at the beginning of the 70 states the first real generation of Italian anarchists. A memorable generation, born around 1850: among them, Carlo Cafiero, who was born in 1846 in Apulia ma da una famiglia originaria di Meta di Sorrento, il campano Errico Malatesta (1853) e il romagnolo Andrea Costa (1851). Nel giugno 1872, a Rimini, si tiene il congresso della Federazione italiana dell’Internazionale, ed è proprio qui che viene fissato l’indirizzo libertario del primo socialismo italiano, influenzato da Bakunin e dai suoi seguaci: Costa, Cafiero e Malatesta. Nello stesso 1872, però, si arriva anche a una serie di scontri interni all’Associazione internazionale dei lavoratori che porterà alla sua spaccatura. Dapprima, il Consiglio generale dell’Internazionale, guidato da Marx, espelle Bakunin con l’accusa di manovre scissionistiche, per tutta risposta a Saint-Imier, in Svizzera, nasce the international anarchist movement, that includes those federations Italian, French, Belgian, English and Russian.
The Italian Social Movement, at its birth, then an address libertarian, anarchist, and a strong insurgency and is also under this setting that as early as 1874, begins the season of attempts insurgency, that of "propaganda by the fact" . The first of these attempts at Bologna - Costa is one of the organizers and Bakunin also take part, although it is already old - but it aborts because the police dismantle the organization before the start of the motion. Bakunin managed to escape, while Costa was imprisoned and will do two years in prison before being acquitted in the trial of '76. Is acquitted because that year definitely change the Italian political framework that, with the first government Depretis liberal left sees the right to take over from history, who had ruled before. It must be remembered that at that trial testified in defense of Costa, also Carducci, of which Costa followed the lessons and who had won the esteem. Costa attended the University in Bologna, where he met Giovanni Pascoli well, but, not having the money to actual enrollment, followed by the University hearing officer, that he never graduated. He had a great culture, however, was a polyglot and an orator of extraordinary talent. He was of slender build (Aging and growing), it was not very tall and wore round glasses, to be shortsighted. He looked like a choirboy, but he had extraordinary eloquence and there are many testimonies that highlight how his speeches were able to carry out important concepts besides, a lot of exciting his listeners.
Returning to the attempts of insurrectionary anarchists ...
The second is attempted insurrection in 1877, when a group led by Cafiero, Malatesta and Pietro Ceccarelli, a Romagna, tries to give rise to the countries of the Matese mountains, near Benevento. After a few days, however, this small group is surrounded by the royal troops, imprisoned and forced to surrender (and it is in custody that Cafiero wrote the famous Compendium of Marx's Capital). The new bankruptcy crisis marks the definitive method of insurgency, already initiated in '74.
Meanwhile, in Milan, had started dating the second series of "The people", a magazine run by Osvaldo Gnocchi Viani important and Enrico Bignami. "The people" is a crossroads of all the Italian and European socialist schools and the place from which they arrive in Italy so many influences from Europe, from the movements in France, Belgium, Germany. There is therefore no coincidence that Costa in July 1879 while in prison France, published just in it the famous Letter to My Friends Romagna, which predicts the turning point, political and theoretical, which leads him from social anarchy and insurrection, a gradualist and reformist socialism. This turn of Costa has long been seen only in relative terms the ideological diatribe, but I believe that in order to really understand it, should broaden their vision to the institutional and political changes taking place in that period in Italy and Europe.
insurgency strategy of anarchism, in fact, could be understood and consistently be placed in a situation where, for example, voted 1% of the population of elite government was completely closed to prospects a democratic enlargement. The situation, however, begins to change in 1876, when in fact the historical left into power and begins to talk of compulsory primary education, the enlargement of suffrage, the reduction of police action against subversives.
In Europe things are moving. The Belgian socialist movement, which was one of the strongest components of the International anarchist in the late '70s, while still setting libertarian, passes in the field of socialism gradually, the French Democratic Labour Party in the early 80's , is in favor of participation in elections and gives an administrative program. In those years, Costa toured Europe and understands the importance of the conquest of certain fundamental freedoms. The turning point of Costa, however, is not really a change from anarchism to social democracy, but it is a transition from a socialist perspective anarchist insurrection still very close to the idea of \u200b\u200blibertarian revolution, but gradually opens to the needs of gradualism and parliamentary struggle.
In 1880, Costa is back in Italy (these were the years of political and romantic partnership with Anna Kuliscioff) and based at Rimini-coincidentally-the Revolutionary Socialist Party of Romagna, which I think is the most amazing party ever existed in Italy. This not only because it represents a first bend in the history of the Italian socialist movement, but mainly because it was an open party, libertarian, semi-anarchic, with a great vocation to internationalism and at the same time, with an established regional Romagna, Emilia, in the north of the Marche.
programmatic characteristics of the party have their heart in the idea of \u200b\u200bassociation, that the idea to apply to all personnel associated with the demands of life. This idea derives an approach focusing on common federal policy, which we intend to win thanks to the third major element of its program, that the alliance with the Democrats and radicals. From this comes the federal and eclectic view of the political party that Mr. Costa, a view which is confirmed also by the concern with which he welcomed the birth of the Italian Socialist Party in 1892. Under the impulse of Filippo Turati, the PSI was born, in fact, with his doctrine, that it was Marxism, and its apparent homogeneity, breaking the one hand with the anarchists and the other with radical democracy.
In contrast, Costa wanted to avoid holes that would weaken the movement of popular empowerment. The socialist family, although contentious, had to remain united, because the drive-in the words of the socialist leader-Imola "It is not only in uniformity." Costa was thinking of a federal vision of the left, a major party capable of taking account of regional diversity and strength of each of socialism. The parliamentary component could operate within the institutions, while the libertarian base would ensure a constant contact with the "social question". Ultimately, it was precisely in the diversity and pluralism that Costa saw a guarantee of consistency and effectiveness for the Italian socialism. Without
improper to attempt comparisons with current events, I think, however, be noted that the agenda is the theme of the party-federal form. Themes attention del dibattito pubblico sono il radicamento sul territorio, la volontà di combattere la verticalizzazione e la concentrazione del potere politico, le tendenze populiste, anche se non vanno sottovalutati i rischi legati al potere personale dei leader locali (capi e capetti). Ma quello che mi sta più a cuore sottolineare, di fronte alle miserie culturali che vive oggi l’Italia, è la lezione di laicità che Costa riesce ancora a impartire. L’essere laico significa coltivare l’apertura al dialogo. La strada difficile del dialogo rappresenta, insomma, la cifra del vero laico.
La pluralità delle impostazioni socialiste per lui aveva una funzione critica, che avrebbe permesso al movimento di correggersi dall’interno...
Costa era presente a Genova, nel 1892, quando venne fondato il Partito socialista, ma la situazione del congresso, molto caotica, lo lasciò male, soprattutto a causa degli scontri tra socialisti e anarchici: un dialogo troncato. Per questo non aderì al nuovo partito e tornò a Imola profondamente deluso, anche se poi, nel ’93, i socialisti romagnoli aderiranno al Partito socialista italiano proprio su invito di Costa.
Nel partito che aveva in mente la forma federale avrebbe permesso che, all’interno di esso, trovassero cittadinanza tutte le correnti del socialismo e tutte le declinazioni regionali del movimento di emancipazione. Era ben consapevole dell’infinita varietà territoriale e culturale the peninsula.
had confidence in political and social organization focused on local self-government? Yes
Beyond the fact that in the early '90s you could actually make a federal party with the anarchists and reason, what is interesting is the complexity of Costa, who wanted to bring out the problems, not least because, many times, visions and contradictory issues are more interesting than monolithic. Carlo Rosselli, in 1932, in exile in Paris, devotes an essay to beautiful Filippo Turati, who died that year. Rosselli Turati well knew, he was very fond of, but in this essay criticizes the right on alla svolta del 1892.
Rosselli non cita Costa - può darsi che non fosse neanche a conoscenza delle perplessità di Costa sull’operato di Turati - e scrive che Turati aveva ragioni da vendere quando dichiarava incompatibile il socialismo con la concezione dell’anarchismo individualista, o dell’anarchismo inteso in senso volgare, ma, dall’altra parte, sempre secondo Rosselli, Turati aveva sottovalutato l’apporto di una corrente dell’anarchismo, la comunista-anarchica (quella di Malatesta), che col socialismo non era in antitesi necessaria e anzi, almeno in pratica, poteva servire a correggerne l’eccessiva e pericolosa fiducia accordata all’azione dello Stato.
"La best proof of what we say - still Rosselli - lies in the fact that the Socialists are now much closer to anarchists like Malatesta or Fabbri, not the old revolutionary comrades in the communist dictatorial past. " As you can see, thirty years later returned the same issues, and returned in a Europe that had changed ...
The vision of the party opposed da Costa, one that is reflected in the state, which is a state within a state, is the vision of German Social Democracy, but in Belgium, for example, the Socialist Party was very different ...
As I mentioned earlier, the Belgian socialist movement and its leader, Cesar De Paepe, were fundamental per la riflessione di Costa. Nel 1877, a Gand, si tenne un Congresso universale socialista, promosso dai socialisti fiamminghi di De Paepe e fu lì che le potenti organizzazioni socialiste belghe, che fino ad allora erano state nell’Internazionale libertaria, passarono in un’ottica di socialismo gradualista. A quel congresso era presente anche Costa, allora ancora su posizioni anarchiche insurrezionaliste, ma quel congresso, e le posizioni di De Paepe, lo colpirono tanto che, nella lettera Agli amici di Romagna, cita proprio il congresso di Gand come esempio. In quel congresso, De Paepe sviluppò l’idea di una sinistra federale, cioè di una sinistra aperta alle riforme e alla lotta gradualista all’interno delle istituzioni, but that it maintained a sense of transformation in libertarian perspective.
Let's step back: the letter to friends of Romagna provoked a fierce debate, particularly with the anarchists, but also put out that they were not few those who, like the group that was headed to the newspaper "The claim" in Forlì were available from studies in policy while remaining clearly anarchists ...
of this debate is indicative of the attitude Cafiero, who in '79, the turning point, Costa harsh attacks, but then, in a famous letter of 1882, will give reason. This means that, first of the three main exponents of Italian anarchism, Costa, Malatesta and Cafiero in the early '80s two agree to accept a form of struggle within the institutions and it is only Malatesta to stay otherwise. This divergence is an indication that the political environment, which in the 70s had led to choose the insurgency, in the 80s was profoundly changing, starting with the fact that in 1882 there is the reform of political suffrage, which not only leads the electorate to 6.9%, but above all change the method by which you select the same electorate. The reform of 82, in fact, states that, in combination census-capacity (the couple who decided that 800 and who voted no), the element of capacity becomes increasingly important at the expense of wealth, so much so that you can vote down all those who made the second grade, regardless of the money they earn. The commitment of the then-popular socialist education night school, libraries and adult education-must also be seen in this sense, it also means educating the people earning potential of new voters.
In 1882, Costa enters Parliament, winning elections in the college of Ravenna and becoming the first Italian socialist deputy. In the socialist movement of the time, and not only among the anarchists, the distrust of the parliament era molto diffusa e quando Costa si era presentato alle elezioni aveva lasciato intendere che non avrebbe mai prestato giuramento alla monarchia e che quindi, se avesse vinto, per forza di cose avrebbe dovuto rinunciare alla carica. Quando però vinse, nacque un grosso dibattito, nel quale intervenne anche Cafiero che, nella famosa lettera cui ho già accennato, sostenne che Costa doveva entrare in Parlamento per portare lì la voce dei lavoratori. Costa quindi divenne deputato, prestò giuramento di fedeltà alla monarchia (nel 1909 divenne anche presidente della Camera) e fu questo che, alla fin fine, gli anarchici non accettarono.
Va comunque tenuto presente che, all’epoca, i deputati non avevano un’indennità, quindi la scelta di Costa di entrare in Parlamento fu assolutamente una scelta propriamente politica, non certo per il desiderio di benefici personali. In effetti, poi, gli interventi di Costa alla Camera dei deputati furono veramente gli interventi del portavoce del movimento di emancipazione, non si staccò mai dalla questione sociale, gli rimasero sempre ben presenti i problemi delle classi popolari.
Tra il 1888 e il 1889 l’allargamento del suffragio viene portato anche nel voto amministrativo ed è proprio questo cambiamento a fare sì che, nelle amministrative dell’89, i socialisti di Costa, alleati ai repubblicani e ai democratici, riescano a vincere le elezioni amministrative a Imola, che così diventa il primo comune Italian Socialist-led. It was a momentous fact, not least because, today, Imola may seem a peripheral center, but back then it was not for nothing, had over 30,000 inhabitants and was one of the hubs, as Reggio Emilia, the emancipation movement popular in Italy, So 'is that there was held the National Congress of the Italian Socialist Party in 1902, as if they had to keep one in 1894, which was prohibited by Crispi.
Can you talk about Costa administrative experience?
aftermath of the victory of '89, Costa takes two key posts: Councillor for Education and vice-president of the Congregation of Charity. With regard to the Councillor Education, Costa is given concretely be done to increase popular education scholarships (elementary school, evening, Sunday). As vice-president and then president of the Congregation of Charity, however, operating costs for changing the traditional logic of charity to the losers, moving toward a more modern security system.
The Congregation of Charity of the City was an institution that brought together the charities of the district and had a crucial importance for the working classes, because there was no welfare state and the liberal state, until the beginning of the 900, lack of interest social issue, leaving everything to charity. Innovation scope in this field by the People's Imola-then an innovation that has made it an example for many other age-government consists of a management reflects the recognition of social problems. For example, the City of Imola directly intervened to address the plight of workers forced to migrate in search of work, financed the "cookers" (ie, public canteens, cheap or even free, for the poor) and public dormitories . He began to articulate a local welfare, which also included the construction of social housing, the "workers' houses." Another question is particularly interesting is that of municipal utilities.
Since the last 800 years, not only throughout Italy but in Imola (in particular, however, in north-central part of the country), local governments began to move towards municipalization of services supplying water, gas and electricity. Initially it was a spontaneous local phenomenon, which saw leading the socialist government, then it was governed by the Act of 1903 Giolitti. The basis of this movement was the realization that the growing needs of urban centers and the popular classes could no longer be faced by a private management services, which could instead be borne by local governments allowing it is better prices for users, is a guarantee of service.
Just the law of 1903 provided local referendums in which citizens could express their support or their opposition, with those of municipal utilities. The institution of the local referendum was abolished by fascism and has not been taken up in Republican, but this was a pure loss, because it was really the expression of a healthy democracy from below. The most significant municipal referendum that was held at Imola is one of 1908, which related to the increase in municipal taxes. The City of Imola voters turned and said, roughly: "In 1906 we a municipal electric power, previously the gasworks. These and other services will cost, so we are forced to raise local taxes altogether in favor or against you? "The result was a landslide victory: 1235 voters for the" yes ", 154 for the" no "and 37 invalid votes . 90% of the people, therefore, declared themselves in favor of increasing taxes to provide better services. It 'clear that this type of referendum, for administration, are an extraordinary democratic legitimacy and in fact this policy continued and in 1912 there was the last municipalization, that of water. To all this, then, one might add il peso avuto da Costa, e dalla sua visione di un socialismo decentrato, nelle cooperative, nel mutuo soccorso, nelle casse rurali, nelle case del popolo, nelle università popolari.
Parlavi all’inizio di Costa come nostro contemporaneo...
Sono molte le riflessione sui problemi e le prospettive della nostra democrazia che ci sono suggerite da Costa. Basti pensare che il suo socialismo, il suo profilo autonomistico, sono senza dubbio da collocare all’interno della storia del pensiero federalista e dell’azione autonomistica nell’Italia unita. Come rilevava Gaetano Salvemini, il sistema federale è una scuola di auto-governo e di auto-educazione e come ricordava Norberto Bobbio l’autonomia va intesa in senso etimologico come capacità di dare norme a se stessi. Un necessario richiamo, insomma, alla questione della responsabilità e dei doveri, che si pone controcorrente rispetto all’isolamento dell’ognuno pensi per sé. (In vista del 150° dell’unità d’Italia, sono stati opportunamente ristampati I Doveri dell’Uomo di Giuseppe Mazzini). Chi si impegnava, come Costa, per la trasformazione sociale e intendeva l’utopia come una aspirazione ideale e morale al miglioramento e alla completa dedizione di sé, anteponeva i doveri ai diritti (o, per lo meno, teneva ben presente accanto ai diritti anche i doveri). L’esigenza mi sembra sia, oggi, quella di ricongiungere la questione morale the socialist tradition, a connection that has long characterized the so-called "Emilia model" and that has its roots precisely the heritage of the costs, Prampolini and Massarenti. Emilian Model I speak with reference to a culture and political education on civic virtue and organizational skills, attention to the problems of all ... but maybe at this point we return later.
Another aspect seems to draw attention now, and confidence in the value of Andrea Costa public agitation and social criticism. Costa discovers the importance of public opinion, public opinion in those years is spreading, thanks to expansion suffrage. And here comes his great ability to excite his listeners. In this regard, many cited in the memoirs of Anselmo Marabini published in 1949, and in fact is worth rereading at least one song: "The speeches I heard from Andrea Costa in my teenage years I not only enthusiasm for their eloquence and their passion, but the things he said, excitement in the struggle for a better social organization affected me and led me to examine the misery around which I was living in squalid campaign then, and slowly grew in my consciousness a deep sympathy for human emancipation that holy struggle. " It is hardly necessary to point out the connection between excitement and participation, but also between emotion and culture (the interest in a subject or a subject usually part of an emotion).
mention a reflection on the history of socialism from the nineteenth-century roots (those of Costa and others) up to the Emilian model ...
Recently, Luciano Cafagna recalled as one of the original elements of the Italian Communist Party, led by Palmiro Togliatti, was the ability to take over and own the second world war, the tradition of socialism Emilia. A "theft" (as defined by wittily Cafagna) that the PSI could never recover, nor with Nenni, nor with Craxi. This step in the history the political culture of the Left, which is eaten in the late '40s and early '50s, I think a key step. Another crucial step comes 30-40 years later with the crisis of the Left parties and their ideology (as manifested since the 80s) and the end of the same political formations of the "First Republic". Today, in general, the traditions of socialism is no longer spoken. And the reformism of the left is a meaningless word, just the absence of a convincing connection with a political history.
In the former Socialist (formerly PSI), it seems to me remains the knot Craxi: I saw the attempt to construct a genealogy policy that goes from Turati, Craxi seamlessly, via Pertini and Nenni, but it is not clear how it is standing, at least as regards the moral question. In the field ex-Communist, preferring the references to American democracy, in the person of Obama (think Veltroni, for example) or to a European social democracy appears, however, almost blurred, without articulation, without historical perspective (it Think of D'Alema and his foundation).
In the model social democrat, as was outlined in Europe since the years between the two world wars, the state's cumbersome, centralism and interventionism, e sono convinto abbia ragione Michele Salvati quando afferma che è un modello che ha esaurito la sua vitalità. Ecco allora che credo si imponga un nuovo inizio e penso che molti spunti di interesse possa fornire il primo socialismo italiano ed europeo: mi riferisco alla molteplicità delle scuole che lo caratterizzavano, al suo profilo autonomista e federalista, alla fantasia istituzionale che esprimeva.
Pubblicato da Salvatore Lo Leggio a 15:48
Etichette: Comunismo socialismo movimento operaio, Italia contemporanea, maestri e compagni, storia storie
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biografia di andrea costa
http://cronologia.leonardo.it/storia/biografie/costaand.htm
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Salvatore Lo Leggio
Essays and Reviews politics, literature and diverse humanity. Every Sunday an article on the events of the week. Every Monday, a poetry page. Almost every day new songs and old songs. Appointments and books. Bourgeois, reactionary, pretonzoli and pigtails, and reggicode Sack, pimps and big sheep, beware!
14.8.10
For the centenary of Andrew Costa (Imola 1851 to 1910). Interview with Charles De Maria.
The centenary of the death of Andrea Costa, the Italian anarchist who founded socialism, has gone virtually unnoticed: a few articles in newspapers, a conference and an exhibition in his Imola, not reflected upon. This little blog is already a couple of posts that use the centennial to commemorate some of the most significant passages of great ethical and political experience (http://salvatoreloleggio.blogspot.com/2010/01/per- centenary-of-the-coast-andrea-imola.html - Http://salvatoreloleggio.blogspot.com/2010/02/per-il-centenario-di-andrea-costa-imola.html). Today I would add a nice interview at the historic Charles De Maria, which I found in the archive of magazine worthy "A City", derived from number 175 in June 2010 and designed by Franco Melandri and Gianni Saporetti. (SLL)
De Carlo Maria conducts research at the Department of History, University of Bologna. It deals with the history of socialism, popular associations of local governments. He has worked on paper and on the biography of Camillo Berneri and Giovanna, and Alessandro Schiavi Andrea Costa. Recently he edited Andrea Costa and the Government the city. The administrative experience of Imola and municipalism popular. 1881-1914, (exhibition catalog organized to mark the centenary of the death of Andrea Costa), Diabasis, 2010.
Andrea Costa was instrumental in the history of Italian socialism, and the same story in Italy, but is now a virtually forgotten figure, almost considered a second floor ...
It 's true that today we speak little of Andrea Costa and, more generally, are the traditions of socialism (this term in its broadest sense, from anarchism to socialism reform) that seem to be given more attention in public debate, in the cultural life of the country. The Costa recalls the figure of the political events that now seem distant and biography, but in reality they are not disconnected from our time and are still able to talk. I am convinced that, in some respects, Costa turns out to be our contemporary.
Can you talk about his life?
Costa was born in 1851 and belongs to the young generation born too late to participate in the struggles of the Risorgimento. The first recruits, like him, of social anarchism were, somehow, missed the partisans. In many cases it was very close to their ideal relationship with Garibaldi. For example, the link between Costa and Garibaldi is an intense bond: it preserves a letter of 1872 in Costa Garibaldi, who then, in 1907, participated in the pilgrimage to Caprera, on the occasion of the centenary of the birth of the 'hero of two worlds. "The relationship and exchange between the first and Garibaldi Italian socialism can be attributed to several reasons, notably the fact that the patriotism of Garibaldi He had never closed a national perspective, but instead was married to a battle for freedom and social justice wider: properly internationalist.
This is just one example of how, through the path of the young Costa, you can pick socialism in its nascent state and follow the formation of the socialist movement in our country. Precisely because of his personal history, Costa had the ability to represent socialism in the broadest sense of the term (in a moral sense, in fact), over currents and parties. A story is the emergence of the deep Italian and European left, the many strands of thought and social action that the 800 animated and in the decades around the turn of 1900, making it a plural universe. The vitality of that first socialism and his wealth consisted in the diversity of schools (as has so often pointed Pino Ferraris).
Since the last decades 800, Costa is a point of reference for the popular associations throughout Italy, from Sicily to the northern regions. Also this way passes the consolidation of the recent national unity. It has often insisted on an estrangement from the institutions of the socialist world of the liberal state, but in fact the precious heritage of solidarity and civic education sedimentatosi thanks to the work of trade unions, cooperatives and municipalities contributed to the consolidation of the young red-national community. I am referring to the many issues associated personnel, the meeting between the spirit of association and economic initiative, to the many forms of so-called "social economy" or "popular economy" by mutual aid, cooperation, the rural banks (phenomena affects not only the secular and socialist side, but also Catholic). There is an image of the returned civil society as a place of solidarity was central to the relationship between autonomy and solidarity. How
wrote Nadia Urbinati (just about "a city"), to join a shared purpose and individually chosen is the essence of democracy. The problem is that, during the '900, and in society more and more rigidly structured, it is often lost when the link between the association and organization: the latter has prevailed, suppressing the first irreparably. From the party-association has gone to the party-organization. Tapping into the origins of socialism (and I mean In particular, the social anarchy) means also reduce the polarization between individualism and collectivism. A contradiction between two abstractions - as I explained Pino Ferraris - which was strongly driven by the challenge in the twentieth century between communism and capitalism, and that ended, however, to forget how vital experience there can be no society without individuals, as well as there are no individuals without society.
I do not want to pass the oversimplified idea of \u200b\u200bthe twentieth century as a period of closure, compared with fertile ideas developed in the previous century. Not true, but certainly if we question the decentralized model of socialism at the end of '800 and early '900, a municipal reform by many centers widespread in society, we can not forget that, historically, its crisis is marked at the European level, since the advent of Fascism, the growth of the state apparatus, also left by the emergence of a technocratic and centralized idea (often authoritarian) in the management of politics and economics. Of course, in all this, he played a key role in the economic crisis of 1929-31, which was thought to address the need to increase state intervention in society. It is the process that led to refer to the philosophical categories of Aldo Capitini, "absolute state" (which is stated precisely in the '20s and '30s ’900), al quale si è poi aggiunto, nel secondo dopoguerra, "l’assoluto del benessere”: il consumismo e la frenesia dei consumi (come ricorda spesso Goffredo Fofi). Sono questi assoluti che hanno cancellato l’esperienza del primo socialismo italiano ed europeo, del socialismo decentrato e libertario che attraversa praticamente tutta la vita e l’azione di Costa.
Tuttavia, dicevi che Costa ha ancora un interesse per l’oggi...
Bisogna ricominciare a pensare in termini di un nuovo inizio, credo proprio di sì, ma senza radici e senza tradizioni politiche che costituiscano una ispirazione e un punto di riferimento ideale ho l’impressione che non si vada da nessuna parte. Con reference to current: it is vain to repeat to be "reformers", then if the term turns out to be empty, unable to engage in a tradition of political culture, history, or perhaps I should tell more stories. To speak to Andrea Costa, however, should start with some historical references. So, first things first.
In 1864, in London, founded the International Workers Association, the First International, and one of the founders, along with Marx and Engels, there are Mazzini, there are anarchists Proudhon and mutualist of other currents of the European left.
Under the Statute of the International this plurality has a character quite vague and the only fixed point clearly regards the mutual support and communication between the workers' associations in Europe, all in view of the emancipation of workers and the general reform of society, in turn, placed in the general perspective of a "new humanity". At the same
1864, Mikhail Bakunin - Russian noble past and democratic activity antizarista - arrives in Italy following the eco business Garibaldi, an echo even arrived in Siberia, where Bakunin had escaped after several years of imprisonment. First Bakunin moved to Florence, then went to Naples and that is where they begin to birth the "brotherhood", ie sections of the "International Alliance of socialist democracy ", the organization that Bakunin is building and will soon be merged into First International. The Russian revolutionary is followed especially among the elements of the Republican Left, which in fact are Alberto Mario, Florence, and Saverio Friscia, Charles Gambuzzi, Giuseppe Fanelli (which will be the initiator of the anarchist movement in Spain) in Naples.
The "Brotherhood" Bakunin are, in fact, the first cells of socialism in Italy, but only at the beginning of the 70 states the first real generation of Italian anarchists. A memorable generation, born around 1850: among them, Carlo Cafiero, who was born in 1846 in Apulia ma da una famiglia originaria di Meta di Sorrento, il campano Errico Malatesta (1853) e il romagnolo Andrea Costa (1851). Nel giugno 1872, a Rimini, si tiene il congresso della Federazione italiana dell’Internazionale, ed è proprio qui che viene fissato l’indirizzo libertario del primo socialismo italiano, influenzato da Bakunin e dai suoi seguaci: Costa, Cafiero e Malatesta. Nello stesso 1872, però, si arriva anche a una serie di scontri interni all’Associazione internazionale dei lavoratori che porterà alla sua spaccatura. Dapprima, il Consiglio generale dell’Internazionale, guidato da Marx, espelle Bakunin con l’accusa di manovre scissionistiche, per tutta risposta a Saint-Imier, in Svizzera, nasce the international anarchist movement, that includes those federations Italian, French, Belgian, English and Russian.
The Italian Social Movement, at its birth, then an address libertarian, anarchist, and a strong insurgency and is also under this setting that as early as 1874, begins the season of attempts insurgency, that of "propaganda by the fact" . The first of these attempts at Bologna - Costa is one of the organizers and Bakunin also take part, although it is already old - but it aborts because the police dismantle the organization before the start of the motion. Bakunin managed to escape, while Costa was imprisoned and will do two years in prison before being acquitted in the trial of '76. Is acquitted because that year definitely change the Italian political framework that, with the first government Depretis liberal left sees the right to take over from history, who had ruled before. It must be remembered that at that trial testified in defense of Costa, also Carducci, of which Costa followed the lessons and who had won the esteem. Costa attended the University in Bologna, where he met Giovanni Pascoli well, but, not having the money to actual enrollment, followed by the University hearing officer, that he never graduated. He had a great culture, however, was a polyglot and an orator of extraordinary talent. He was of slender build (Aging and growing), it was not very tall and wore round glasses, to be shortsighted. He looked like a choirboy, but he had extraordinary eloquence and there are many testimonies that highlight how his speeches were able to carry out important concepts besides, a lot of exciting his listeners.
Returning to the attempts of insurrectionary anarchists ...
The second is attempted insurrection in 1877, when a group led by Cafiero, Malatesta and Pietro Ceccarelli, a Romagna, tries to give rise to the countries of the Matese mountains, near Benevento. After a few days, however, this small group is surrounded by the royal troops, imprisoned and forced to surrender (and it is in custody that Cafiero wrote the famous Compendium of Marx's Capital). The new bankruptcy crisis marks the definitive method of insurgency, already initiated in '74.
Meanwhile, in Milan, had started dating the second series of "The people", a magazine run by Osvaldo Gnocchi Viani important and Enrico Bignami. "The people" is a crossroads of all the Italian and European socialist schools and the place from which they arrive in Italy so many influences from Europe, from the movements in France, Belgium, Germany. There is therefore no coincidence that Costa in July 1879 while in prison France, published just in it the famous Letter to My Friends Romagna, which predicts the turning point, political and theoretical, which leads him from social anarchy and insurrection, a gradualist and reformist socialism. This turn of Costa has long been seen only in relative terms the ideological diatribe, but I believe that in order to really understand it, should broaden their vision to the institutional and political changes taking place in that period in Italy and Europe.
insurgency strategy of anarchism, in fact, could be understood and consistently be placed in a situation where, for example, voted 1% of the population of elite government was completely closed to prospects a democratic enlargement. The situation, however, begins to change in 1876, when in fact the historical left into power and begins to talk of compulsory primary education, the enlargement of suffrage, the reduction of police action against subversives.
In Europe things are moving. The Belgian socialist movement, which was one of the strongest components of the International anarchist in the late '70s, while still setting libertarian, passes in the field of socialism gradually, the French Democratic Labour Party in the early 80's , is in favor of participation in elections and gives an administrative program. In those years, Costa toured Europe and understands the importance of the conquest of certain fundamental freedoms. The turning point of Costa, however, is not really a change from anarchism to social democracy, but it is a transition from a socialist perspective anarchist insurrection still very close to the idea of \u200b\u200blibertarian revolution, but gradually opens to the needs of gradualism and parliamentary struggle.
In 1880, Costa is back in Italy (these were the years of political and romantic partnership with Anna Kuliscioff) and based at Rimini-coincidentally-the Revolutionary Socialist Party of Romagna, which I think is the most amazing party ever existed in Italy. This not only because it represents a first bend in the history of the Italian socialist movement, but mainly because it was an open party, libertarian, semi-anarchic, with a great vocation to internationalism and at the same time, with an established regional Romagna, Emilia, in the north of the Marche.
programmatic characteristics of the party have their heart in the idea of \u200b\u200bassociation, that the idea to apply to all personnel associated with the demands of life. This idea derives an approach focusing on common federal policy, which we intend to win thanks to the third major element of its program, that the alliance with the Democrats and radicals. From this comes the federal and eclectic view of the political party that Mr. Costa, a view which is confirmed also by the concern with which he welcomed the birth of the Italian Socialist Party in 1892. Under the impulse of Filippo Turati, the PSI was born, in fact, with his doctrine, that it was Marxism, and its apparent homogeneity, breaking the one hand with the anarchists and the other with radical democracy.
In contrast, Costa wanted to avoid holes that would weaken the movement of popular empowerment. The socialist family, although contentious, had to remain united, because the drive-in the words of the socialist leader-Imola "It is not only in uniformity." Costa was thinking of a federal vision of the left, a major party capable of taking account of regional diversity and strength of each of socialism. The parliamentary component could operate within the institutions, while the libertarian base would ensure a constant contact with the "social question". Ultimately, it was precisely in the diversity and pluralism that Costa saw a guarantee of consistency and effectiveness for the Italian socialism. Without
improper to attempt comparisons with current events, I think, however, be noted that the agenda is the theme of the party-federal form. Themes attention del dibattito pubblico sono il radicamento sul territorio, la volontà di combattere la verticalizzazione e la concentrazione del potere politico, le tendenze populiste, anche se non vanno sottovalutati i rischi legati al potere personale dei leader locali (capi e capetti). Ma quello che mi sta più a cuore sottolineare, di fronte alle miserie culturali che vive oggi l’Italia, è la lezione di laicità che Costa riesce ancora a impartire. L’essere laico significa coltivare l’apertura al dialogo. La strada difficile del dialogo rappresenta, insomma, la cifra del vero laico.
La pluralità delle impostazioni socialiste per lui aveva una funzione critica, che avrebbe permesso al movimento di correggersi dall’interno...
Costa era presente a Genova, nel 1892, quando venne fondato il Partito socialista, ma la situazione del congresso, molto caotica, lo lasciò male, soprattutto a causa degli scontri tra socialisti e anarchici: un dialogo troncato. Per questo non aderì al nuovo partito e tornò a Imola profondamente deluso, anche se poi, nel ’93, i socialisti romagnoli aderiranno al Partito socialista italiano proprio su invito di Costa.
Nel partito che aveva in mente la forma federale avrebbe permesso che, all’interno di esso, trovassero cittadinanza tutte le correnti del socialismo e tutte le declinazioni regionali del movimento di emancipazione. Era ben consapevole dell’infinita varietà territoriale e culturale the peninsula.
had confidence in political and social organization focused on local self-government? Yes
Beyond the fact that in the early '90s you could actually make a federal party with the anarchists and reason, what is interesting is the complexity of Costa, who wanted to bring out the problems, not least because, many times, visions and contradictory issues are more interesting than monolithic. Carlo Rosselli, in 1932, in exile in Paris, devotes an essay to beautiful Filippo Turati, who died that year. Rosselli Turati well knew, he was very fond of, but in this essay criticizes the right on alla svolta del 1892.
Rosselli non cita Costa - può darsi che non fosse neanche a conoscenza delle perplessità di Costa sull’operato di Turati - e scrive che Turati aveva ragioni da vendere quando dichiarava incompatibile il socialismo con la concezione dell’anarchismo individualista, o dell’anarchismo inteso in senso volgare, ma, dall’altra parte, sempre secondo Rosselli, Turati aveva sottovalutato l’apporto di una corrente dell’anarchismo, la comunista-anarchica (quella di Malatesta), che col socialismo non era in antitesi necessaria e anzi, almeno in pratica, poteva servire a correggerne l’eccessiva e pericolosa fiducia accordata all’azione dello Stato.
"La best proof of what we say - still Rosselli - lies in the fact that the Socialists are now much closer to anarchists like Malatesta or Fabbri, not the old revolutionary comrades in the communist dictatorial past. " As you can see, thirty years later returned the same issues, and returned in a Europe that had changed ...
The vision of the party opposed da Costa, one that is reflected in the state, which is a state within a state, is the vision of German Social Democracy, but in Belgium, for example, the Socialist Party was very different ...
As I mentioned earlier, the Belgian socialist movement and its leader, Cesar De Paepe, were fundamental per la riflessione di Costa. Nel 1877, a Gand, si tenne un Congresso universale socialista, promosso dai socialisti fiamminghi di De Paepe e fu lì che le potenti organizzazioni socialiste belghe, che fino ad allora erano state nell’Internazionale libertaria, passarono in un’ottica di socialismo gradualista. A quel congresso era presente anche Costa, allora ancora su posizioni anarchiche insurrezionaliste, ma quel congresso, e le posizioni di De Paepe, lo colpirono tanto che, nella lettera Agli amici di Romagna, cita proprio il congresso di Gand come esempio. In quel congresso, De Paepe sviluppò l’idea di una sinistra federale, cioè di una sinistra aperta alle riforme e alla lotta gradualista all’interno delle istituzioni, but that it maintained a sense of transformation in libertarian perspective.
Let's step back: the letter to friends of Romagna provoked a fierce debate, particularly with the anarchists, but also put out that they were not few those who, like the group that was headed to the newspaper "The claim" in Forlì were available from studies in policy while remaining clearly anarchists ...
of this debate is indicative of the attitude Cafiero, who in '79, the turning point, Costa harsh attacks, but then, in a famous letter of 1882, will give reason. This means that, first of the three main exponents of Italian anarchism, Costa, Malatesta and Cafiero in the early '80s two agree to accept a form of struggle within the institutions and it is only Malatesta to stay otherwise. This divergence is an indication that the political environment, which in the 70s had led to choose the insurgency, in the 80s was profoundly changing, starting with the fact that in 1882 there is the reform of political suffrage, which not only leads the electorate to 6.9%, but above all change the method by which you select the same electorate. The reform of 82, in fact, states that, in combination census-capacity (the couple who decided that 800 and who voted no), the element of capacity becomes increasingly important at the expense of wealth, so much so that you can vote down all those who made the second grade, regardless of the money they earn. The commitment of the then-popular socialist education night school, libraries and adult education-must also be seen in this sense, it also means educating the people earning potential of new voters.
In 1882, Costa enters Parliament, winning elections in the college of Ravenna and becoming the first Italian socialist deputy. In the socialist movement of the time, and not only among the anarchists, the distrust of the parliament era molto diffusa e quando Costa si era presentato alle elezioni aveva lasciato intendere che non avrebbe mai prestato giuramento alla monarchia e che quindi, se avesse vinto, per forza di cose avrebbe dovuto rinunciare alla carica. Quando però vinse, nacque un grosso dibattito, nel quale intervenne anche Cafiero che, nella famosa lettera cui ho già accennato, sostenne che Costa doveva entrare in Parlamento per portare lì la voce dei lavoratori. Costa quindi divenne deputato, prestò giuramento di fedeltà alla monarchia (nel 1909 divenne anche presidente della Camera) e fu questo che, alla fin fine, gli anarchici non accettarono.
Va comunque tenuto presente che, all’epoca, i deputati non avevano un’indennità, quindi la scelta di Costa di entrare in Parlamento fu assolutamente una scelta propriamente politica, non certo per il desiderio di benefici personali. In effetti, poi, gli interventi di Costa alla Camera dei deputati furono veramente gli interventi del portavoce del movimento di emancipazione, non si staccò mai dalla questione sociale, gli rimasero sempre ben presenti i problemi delle classi popolari.
Tra il 1888 e il 1889 l’allargamento del suffragio viene portato anche nel voto amministrativo ed è proprio questo cambiamento a fare sì che, nelle amministrative dell’89, i socialisti di Costa, alleati ai repubblicani e ai democratici, riescano a vincere le elezioni amministrative a Imola, che così diventa il primo comune Italian Socialist-led. It was a momentous fact, not least because, today, Imola may seem a peripheral center, but back then it was not for nothing, had over 30,000 inhabitants and was one of the hubs, as Reggio Emilia, the emancipation movement popular in Italy, So 'is that there was held the National Congress of the Italian Socialist Party in 1902, as if they had to keep one in 1894, which was prohibited by Crispi.
Can you talk about Costa administrative experience?
aftermath of the victory of '89, Costa takes two key posts: Councillor for Education and vice-president of the Congregation of Charity. With regard to the Councillor Education, Costa is given concretely be done to increase popular education scholarships (elementary school, evening, Sunday). As vice-president and then president of the Congregation of Charity, however, operating costs for changing the traditional logic of charity to the losers, moving toward a more modern security system.
The Congregation of Charity of the City was an institution that brought together the charities of the district and had a crucial importance for the working classes, because there was no welfare state and the liberal state, until the beginning of the 900, lack of interest social issue, leaving everything to charity. Innovation scope in this field by the People's Imola-then an innovation that has made it an example for many other age-government consists of a management reflects the recognition of social problems. For example, the City of Imola directly intervened to address the plight of workers forced to migrate in search of work, financed the "cookers" (ie, public canteens, cheap or even free, for the poor) and public dormitories . He began to articulate a local welfare, which also included the construction of social housing, the "workers' houses." Another question is particularly interesting is that of municipal utilities.
Since the last 800 years, not only throughout Italy but in Imola (in particular, however, in north-central part of the country), local governments began to move towards municipalization of services supplying water, gas and electricity. Initially it was a spontaneous local phenomenon, which saw leading the socialist government, then it was governed by the Act of 1903 Giolitti. The basis of this movement was the realization that the growing needs of urban centers and the popular classes could no longer be faced by a private management services, which could instead be borne by local governments allowing it is better prices for users, is a guarantee of service.
Just the law of 1903 provided local referendums in which citizens could express their support or their opposition, with those of municipal utilities. The institution of the local referendum was abolished by fascism and has not been taken up in Republican, but this was a pure loss, because it was really the expression of a healthy democracy from below. The most significant municipal referendum that was held at Imola is one of 1908, which related to the increase in municipal taxes. The City of Imola voters turned and said, roughly: "In 1906 we a municipal electric power, previously the gasworks. These and other services will cost, so we are forced to raise local taxes altogether in favor or against you? "The result was a landslide victory: 1235 voters for the" yes ", 154 for the" no "and 37 invalid votes . 90% of the people, therefore, declared themselves in favor of increasing taxes to provide better services. It 'clear that this type of referendum, for administration, are an extraordinary democratic legitimacy and in fact this policy continued and in 1912 there was the last municipalization, that of water. To all this, then, one might add il peso avuto da Costa, e dalla sua visione di un socialismo decentrato, nelle cooperative, nel mutuo soccorso, nelle casse rurali, nelle case del popolo, nelle università popolari.
Parlavi all’inizio di Costa come nostro contemporaneo...
Sono molte le riflessione sui problemi e le prospettive della nostra democrazia che ci sono suggerite da Costa. Basti pensare che il suo socialismo, il suo profilo autonomistico, sono senza dubbio da collocare all’interno della storia del pensiero federalista e dell’azione autonomistica nell’Italia unita. Come rilevava Gaetano Salvemini, il sistema federale è una scuola di auto-governo e di auto-educazione e come ricordava Norberto Bobbio l’autonomia va intesa in senso etimologico come capacità di dare norme a se stessi. Un necessario richiamo, insomma, alla questione della responsabilità e dei doveri, che si pone controcorrente rispetto all’isolamento dell’ognuno pensi per sé. (In vista del 150° dell’unità d’Italia, sono stati opportunamente ristampati I Doveri dell’Uomo di Giuseppe Mazzini). Chi si impegnava, come Costa, per la trasformazione sociale e intendeva l’utopia come una aspirazione ideale e morale al miglioramento e alla completa dedizione di sé, anteponeva i doveri ai diritti (o, per lo meno, teneva ben presente accanto ai diritti anche i doveri). L’esigenza mi sembra sia, oggi, quella di ricongiungere la questione morale the socialist tradition, a connection that has long characterized the so-called "Emilia model" and that has its roots precisely the heritage of the costs, Prampolini and Massarenti. Emilian Model I speak with reference to a culture and political education on civic virtue and organizational skills, attention to the problems of all ... but maybe at this point we return later.
Another aspect seems to draw attention now, and confidence in the value of Andrea Costa public agitation and social criticism. Costa discovers the importance of public opinion, public opinion in those years is spreading, thanks to expansion suffrage. And here comes his great ability to excite his listeners. In this regard, many cited in the memoirs of Anselmo Marabini published in 1949, and in fact is worth rereading at least one song: "The speeches I heard from Andrea Costa in my teenage years I not only enthusiasm for their eloquence and their passion, but the things he said, excitement in the struggle for a better social organization affected me and led me to examine the misery around which I was living in squalid campaign then, and slowly grew in my consciousness a deep sympathy for human emancipation that holy struggle. " It is hardly necessary to point out the connection between excitement and participation, but also between emotion and culture (the interest in a subject or a subject usually part of an emotion).
mention a reflection on the history of socialism from the nineteenth-century roots (those of Costa and others) up to the Emilian model ...
Recently, Luciano Cafagna recalled as one of the original elements of the Italian Communist Party, led by Palmiro Togliatti, was the ability to take over and own the second world war, the tradition of socialism Emilia. A "theft" (as defined by wittily Cafagna) that the PSI could never recover, nor with Nenni, nor with Craxi. This step in the history the political culture of the Left, which is eaten in the late '40s and early '50s, I think a key step. Another crucial step comes 30-40 years later with the crisis of the Left parties and their ideology (as manifested since the 80s) and the end of the same political formations of the "First Republic". Today, in general, the traditions of socialism is no longer spoken. And the reformism of the left is a meaningless word, just the absence of a convincing connection with a political history.
In the former Socialist (formerly PSI), it seems to me remains the knot Craxi: I saw the attempt to construct a genealogy policy that goes from Turati, Craxi seamlessly, via Pertini and Nenni, but it is not clear how it is standing, at least as regards the moral question. In the field ex-Communist, preferring the references to American democracy, in the person of Obama (think Veltroni, for example) or to a European social democracy appears, however, almost blurred, without articulation, without historical perspective (it Think of D'Alema and his foundation).
In the model social democrat, as was outlined in Europe since the years between the two world wars, the state's cumbersome, centralism and interventionism, e sono convinto abbia ragione Michele Salvati quando afferma che è un modello che ha esaurito la sua vitalità. Ecco allora che credo si imponga un nuovo inizio e penso che molti spunti di interesse possa fornire il primo socialismo italiano ed europeo: mi riferisco alla molteplicità delle scuole che lo caratterizzavano, al suo profilo autonomista e federalista, alla fantasia istituzionale che esprimeva.
Pubblicato da Salvatore Lo Leggio a 15:48
Etichette: Comunismo socialismo movimento operaio, Italia contemporanea, maestri e compagni, storia storie
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biografia di andrea costa
http://cronologia.leonardo.it/storia/biografie/costaand.htm
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Tuesday, August 10, 2010
Flu Symptoms Arm Muscle
trip. Francesco De Sanctis
http://www.testoesenso.it/article/show/88/francesco-de-sanctis-un-viaggio-elettorale
Audio: The voice of Roberto Herlitzka read about the history of Alberto Gianquinto
Francesco De Sanctis, A journey election
Home »Articles» Francesco De Sanctis, A journey election
Carmen Chiodo
We face a careful critical edition of Travel electoral De Sanctis, well commented and aforesaid by the scholar. This book was born in 1876 and "was born from the need to fix on paper the experience of travel resulted from the difficult run-off election the previous year. Forced by the need to collect the votes are decisive for the victory, De Sanctis had to climb up the steep paths of Irpinia, colliding with a social reality rooted in past beliefs and resistant to the idea of \u200b\u200bprogress, where politicians of questionable reliability were sharing the management of public affairs. With this we are looking at a page of history in the South of surprising news, in which the strict morality of a man of culture like to warn against the negative values \u200b\u200bof the ruling class. "
desanctisiana This edition of the work is enriched by a fundamental and useful dictionary of quotations, places and characters. Pages introduttive di Iermano si intitolano Un viaggio tra gli uomini di Guicciardini (pp. 11-43). Si aprono con una carrozza che percorre in un freddo gennaio del 1875, «alla vigilia di un difficile ballottaggio elettorale nel collegio di Lacedonia, strade impossibili, attraversa torrenti e s’arrampica lungo sentieri di fango alla ricerca di paesi irraggiungibili, sommersi dalla pioggia e nascosti dalla nebbia. Il candidato al Parlamento Francesco De Sanctis, già ministro della pubblica istruzione nei governi Cavour e Ricasoli, è il viaggiatore disincantato che cerca nelle remote terre dell’Alta Irpinia, poste tra la valle dell’Ofanto e il vulture, di spiegare quanto sia necessario calare l’ideale nel reale, superare i mali e le esasperazioni dei regionalismi, causa di ‘guerricciole e gelosie che generano facilmente in pettegolezzi sulla stampa locale’, distruggere i partiti personali, vere e proprie malattie sociali, e spingere le comunità e la gente onesta fuori dal fatalismo e verso un alto grado di educazione politica» (p. 11). Comunque i motivi ideali della Storia della letteratura italiana si trovano pure nel Viaggio. Qui spicca per un possibile risveglio delle coscienze la figura di un telegrafista di Bisaccia, Fabio Rollo, reduce della battaglia di Custoza del 24 giugno 1866. Ecco il De Sanctis come parla di questo Fabio: «Mi parve uno degli uomini più serii che avessi conosciuto. Notai una tranquilla moderazione di giudizi e di parole, che è il segno dell’umiltà. Avevo innanzi, un carattere...». E ancora del Rollo appena conosciuto così parla nel capitoletto Bisaccia la gentile: «Fabio era lì in piedi dietro una siepe di uditori, non esitò, non ebbe il menomo imbarazzo. Venne dritto a me e mi strinse la mano, e sentii che acquistavo un amico, di quelli che non si dimenticano mai».
De Sanctis traccia «un formidabile quadro della nuova classe dirigente della nuova Italia ma non svolge considerazioni sulla storia della provincia e della sua amministrazione durante il primo Ottocento» (p. 15). Iermano analizza bene i vari andamenti del viaggio e la sua scrittura oltre che i temi. Qui si vede il professore De Sanctis parlare, dibattere, incontrarsi with people, make speeches and at the same time "deal with the insistent presence of memory and memories of childhood and the places of my youth" (p. 21).
De Sanctis was part of the constituency of Morris Irpino, "the deepest treasures." Has returned after a long absence, Morris has found "a whole history, both ancient and prosperous families come down or off, and a lot of new people, and sudden gains, and rich peasants and without a master, and sometimes their masters their servants. Award for work to leisure and Punishment "(p. 152).
Al De Sanctis missed nothing of the new life and politics of his country. 'Co' new era has arisen in a Morra vigorous municipal life, and in a decade has done more than in any century "(ibid.). But - again he writes - "I can not say that there is a real civic life began. I see you again for those ways come to me between the legs, such as stray dogs, a crowd of boys, ragged and idle, and it pains me that there is still a kindergarten. " Still reigns there is no wear and provident institution that facilitates gl'istrumenti of work and the culture of 'fields' (p. 152) and also the relationship between' gentlemen and peasants "are not good. And yet it is observed that in "Morra is vanity, there's pride" (p. 153). And then De Sanctis is reminiscent, memories of when he was a child.
The countries visited by the professor are Rocchetta "poetry," Bisaccia "the kind," Calitri "the misty," Andretta "the quirky", then it's time for Morris, San Severo, Avellino, and finally Sansevero. De Sanctis in these countries meet several people and is located in various situations. Here is resentful and tetragona "Calitri the foggy," the country inhabited by very rich families, but with roads impassable. De Sanctis was cold reception here and has no official status, "the priest Berrilli Pasquale, 'one of the warmest adversaries' ours, would not go to meet him as a supporter of the candidate Money» (P. 25). De Sanctis saw Calitri "in a bad moment. The road was a mud pit and we could see little, and acute cold made me shiver "(p. 117). Calitri has changed is no longer what it used to (the age of the youth of De Sanctis) is now 'thing mean. " Moreover, 'I did not know the houses, but the streets were unpresentable, and give the country a bad impression to those who come again, the streets are those that the country PEL dress for man "(p. 118). A Calitri Tozzoli he met with and began to "politic". The Tozzoli was "young man left, that is left of 65, made the most of rich landowners, and local notables, which threw the already so-called coterie, and came to parliament to protest against mismanagement "(p. 118). Through "the enemy country, De Sanctis, in the company of friends and voters, he noticed that the people had an attitude of seriousness not found among the gentlemen. With speed camera captures the attitude of the inhabitants and stares at a beautiful picture: 'Some common people were there standing on the square with a severity of Roman senators' "(ibid.). From Calitri the coach brought him to Andrews, "the quirky": "So I understood to regard this country by some, on account of the protests made in the run-off, revealing a great distance, a thin spirito avvocatesco» (p. 125).
Il giro elettorale, come si sa, venne ideato e preparato dall’on. Michele Capozzi e dall’abile prete di Morra Irpino marino Molinari, dopo un incontro con il De Sanctis a Roma nel dicembre del ‘74. Nel Viaggio elettorale c’è il politico e lo scrittore De Sanctis. Varie volte il politico va a letto e «lascia campo libero allo scrittore, che subito comincia fantasticare in attesa di addormentarsi. I suoi pensieri nella notte sempre popolati d’immagini curiose, di ombre particolari di razionalità e non di paura, di successi e consensi che la realtà non concede: «Il signor cognato giunto da Avellino , alla vigilia del voto, quel bonomo che ha votato e voterà for the opponent in spite of your living room Mauro had left thinking the opposite "(see chap. IX), then the incredible behavior of Lacedonia Franciosi (Chapter III), the subtleties of the shrewd lawyer Camillo andrettese Honey, admirable figure South of the sophist never entirely disappeared the atlas of the Italian province (Chapter XI), the disappointing moral mediocrity of the bishop Fanelli (Chapter XII) remind the De Sanctis but not his theology and history is not novel (p. 31 ). As a boy Francis (affectionately called Ciccillo) loved to dream indeed, had "an inclination to rêve ', which increased with the passing of years: think of the letters addressed to Zurich students and Diomede Angelo Camillo De Mais Marvin, both exiles in Turin, or the girls Basque Virginia and Teresa de Amicis. You can see the qualities we admire as a writer of De Sanctis when the priest shows us the poetry of Rocchetta Francis Piccoli, "in which he found the widow of Luis Gonzo Lacedonia loved to sixteen years and now a mother of Joseph Castelli, young mayor of the town and its fervent follower "(p. 31).
Chapter X of Voyage is dedicated to Irpino Morra. And it is a short chapter full of memories that already predicts the youth. Here you can read in the socio-historical analysis "of the highest bill conceptual" but also the memories appear. Here is the meeting with the family (Aunt Teresa, il nipote Aniello, il fratello Vito, e poi le cugine, i luoghi dei giochi, la piazzetta che aveva «visto» tante sue lagrime, il ricordo della partenza degli esuli del ‘21, il Monte delle Croci, Dietro corte, San Rocco, la via Nuova, e ancora le sudicie stréttole, le case dei vecchi e nuovi padroni, tutto costituisce lo spazio di una memoria mai pure dato autobiografico, ma costante trasfigurazione dei valori del tempo perduto. I suoi sono ricordi di una vita mentale che rifioriscono senza che il sentimentalismo devasti la dignità e l’altero distacco del critico» (pp. 34-35). Queste pagine - come giustamente osserva Iermano - sono un bel saggio o, meglio un capolavoro di microstoria, «d’indagine critica completely free from contamination or excessive descriptive local content. These pages desanctisiane so maybe you can compare with admirable daring tale of two villages in Abruzzo (Monterodomo and Pescasseroli) and Benedetto Croce republished, not coincidentally, in the appendix to the History of the Kingdom of Naples (1924). The town of De Sanctis as that of the Cross (Pescasseroli) "had a primitive village clinging to the castle of course, and above all, as the town in Abruzzo," dragged on for centuries, his life of small feudal country, lost in the mountains and almost inaccessible '(see Cross, History of the Kingdom of Naples, Laterza, Bari, 19585, pp. 315-425). The election ended
Travel Avellino, the capital, where the De Sanctis, despite having won in the college of Laceby, on the evening of January 23 he received a cool reception (Chapter XXII). "No comparison with the one received upon his arrival as governor just appointed by decree by Garibaldi in difficult September sixties, when the province was under siege and the bourgeoisie felt threatened by social unrest" (p. 35).
De Sanctis path in the company of Don Marino Molinari and patriot and scholar of Teora Romualdo Cassitta the "land of the student, remembering how many times I had done that way in the early going to and fro, his head full of grammar and rhetoric. " Avellino came to say goodbye nel suo palazzo, posto di fronte alla prefettura, il vecchio Carlantonio Solimene, sindaco della città negli anni del regno di Ferdinando II, ed ora, non ostante le sue pessime condizioni di salute, consigliere del figlio Catello, schierato contro il Capozzi. Della città ricordava le famiglie del ceto civile - i Vegliante, i Lanzilli - e in particolar modo quel «Lorenzo De Concililj, sindaco e memoria della storia risorgimentale, ormai scomparso da circa nove anni, il 20 ottobre 1866» (p. 37). Iermano segue passo passo De Sanctis nei suoi vari spostamenti, incontri, discorsi, pensieri. Inoltre incisive risultano le pagine di Iermano quando analizzano lo stile, la lingua del Viaggio elettorale. Qui De Sanctis «realizza un imprevedibile experiment with realistic language, the result of a thoughtful research of the representation of life through language 'live' and a perfect identity between content and form "(p. 40). As in his other literary works and many critical essays, De Sanctis uses a 'quasi-journalistic language: fast, linear, efficient, able to retain an expressive clarity and richness of ideas "(ibid.). Sometimes we read words and expressions of alettali appropriate "for an effective speech reproduction but also to experiment with realistic type, both in narrative and discourse in a way contribute to strengthening the medium in which the tone is linked to a time plan and sometimes essential: the many portraits and sketches in the EV obtained by the unnecessary complexity of sentence structures effectively and give the language a more attractive and specified medium tone "(pp. 40-41). There is also in the prose of this desanctisiana another kind of language, consisting of precious elements and a refined syntax. It 'still valid, according to Toni Iermano, including travel election, the interpretation of the critical prose of the Russian Luigi De Sanctis, "De Sanctis designed, with all his work, srettoricare in Italy and launched a Representative prose strongly, but dry and good-natured tone and speech, which, in science and speculative, were matched to what, in the arts, was the prose of Manzoni '(see Francesco De Sanctis and Neapolitan culture (1928), Editori Riuniti, Rome, 1983, p. 348; the language and the prose of De Sanctis are still valid books Marcello Aurigemma, Language and style in the criticism of Francesco De Sanctis, Longo, Ravenna, 1968 and Casu M., De Sanctis writer, Vita e Pensiero, Milan, 1971, and finally, we should also remember G. Nencini Francesco De Sanctis and the question of language, Bibliopolis, Napoli, 1984. Already in the History De Sanctis wanted to innovate his prose which then comes back in a journey election "with strong reasons of modernity. Similarly, the Essais of Montaigne ( Lib. III, chap. V) anche De Sanctis vuole mettere qualcosa di suo nella lingua» (p. 41).
Francesco De Sanctis nel suo Viaggio elettorale «aveva raggiunto i suoi obiettivi politico-letterari, ma le motivazioni ideali erano prevalse solo nel sogno o nelle lunghe e tormentate notti d’Irpinia in cui fantasticava così come aveva fatto negli anni della prigionia o nel tempo dell’esilio» (pp. 41-42).
Per il De Sanctis nel sogno tutto andava bene ma nella realtà subì diverse sconfitte e delusioni elettorali: «Le drammatiche sconfitte, seguite al voto dell’ottobre 1882 e del gennaio 1883 furono conseguenza di una radicale quanto persistente incomprensione di parte del ceto civile provinciale nei confronti delle its identity never weakened, however, by this attitude "(p. 42).
De Sanctis very last moment of his life contributed to support, as well as in his speech of January 29, 1883 Trani, that politics is primarily and essentially dignity and can not be conceived 'as a duty and sacrifice. "
Toni Iermano This book is the fruit of long and not always easy searches. However, thanks to
Iermano we can read in a critical edition of the strict election Journey De Sanctis, well commented in its entirety by the scholar who has written a useful and comprehensive dictionary of quotations, places and characters.
election shall be published after the trip the two "texts that represent and interpret two aspects that work in the VE with extreme ease and never collide, but literary and political."
The two texts are: "The journey in Switzerland during August of 1854" by Jerome Noname (text first appeared in «The Piemonte, Torino, a. II, n. 2, January 1856); Speech S. Maria La Nova for lessons. This speech was held in Naples 4 November 1874 and was released the same day on "Rome", a. XIII, Supplement No 305, November 4, 1874, both the 'Sting', a. XV, No. 306. This speech is the only witness ufficiale delle idee che Francesco De Sanctis sostenne durante la campagna elettorale del novembre 1874. Inoltre «attualissime si rivelano le parti del discorso riservate al rapporto tra nazione e regione, tra affermazione dell’identità italiana e la tutela degli interessi locali».
Titolo: Francesco De Sanctis, Un viaggio elettorale
Autore: Carmine Chiodo
Categoria: Note e Recensioni
Rivista: Testo e Senso n.7 (2006)
Visitato: 948 volte
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http://www.testoesenso.it/article/show/88/francesco-de-sanctis-un-viaggio-elettorale
Audio: The voice of Roberto Herlitzka read about the history of Alberto Gianquinto
Francesco De Sanctis, A journey election
Home »Articles» Francesco De Sanctis, A journey election
Carmen Chiodo
We face a careful critical edition of Travel electoral De Sanctis, well commented and aforesaid by the scholar. This book was born in 1876 and "was born from the need to fix on paper the experience of travel resulted from the difficult run-off election the previous year. Forced by the need to collect the votes are decisive for the victory, De Sanctis had to climb up the steep paths of Irpinia, colliding with a social reality rooted in past beliefs and resistant to the idea of \u200b\u200bprogress, where politicians of questionable reliability were sharing the management of public affairs. With this we are looking at a page of history in the South of surprising news, in which the strict morality of a man of culture like to warn against the negative values \u200b\u200bof the ruling class. "
desanctisiana This edition of the work is enriched by a fundamental and useful dictionary of quotations, places and characters. Pages introduttive di Iermano si intitolano Un viaggio tra gli uomini di Guicciardini (pp. 11-43). Si aprono con una carrozza che percorre in un freddo gennaio del 1875, «alla vigilia di un difficile ballottaggio elettorale nel collegio di Lacedonia, strade impossibili, attraversa torrenti e s’arrampica lungo sentieri di fango alla ricerca di paesi irraggiungibili, sommersi dalla pioggia e nascosti dalla nebbia. Il candidato al Parlamento Francesco De Sanctis, già ministro della pubblica istruzione nei governi Cavour e Ricasoli, è il viaggiatore disincantato che cerca nelle remote terre dell’Alta Irpinia, poste tra la valle dell’Ofanto e il vulture, di spiegare quanto sia necessario calare l’ideale nel reale, superare i mali e le esasperazioni dei regionalismi, causa di ‘guerricciole e gelosie che generano facilmente in pettegolezzi sulla stampa locale’, distruggere i partiti personali, vere e proprie malattie sociali, e spingere le comunità e la gente onesta fuori dal fatalismo e verso un alto grado di educazione politica» (p. 11). Comunque i motivi ideali della Storia della letteratura italiana si trovano pure nel Viaggio. Qui spicca per un possibile risveglio delle coscienze la figura di un telegrafista di Bisaccia, Fabio Rollo, reduce della battaglia di Custoza del 24 giugno 1866. Ecco il De Sanctis come parla di questo Fabio: «Mi parve uno degli uomini più serii che avessi conosciuto. Notai una tranquilla moderazione di giudizi e di parole, che è il segno dell’umiltà. Avevo innanzi, un carattere...». E ancora del Rollo appena conosciuto così parla nel capitoletto Bisaccia la gentile: «Fabio era lì in piedi dietro una siepe di uditori, non esitò, non ebbe il menomo imbarazzo. Venne dritto a me e mi strinse la mano, e sentii che acquistavo un amico, di quelli che non si dimenticano mai».
De Sanctis traccia «un formidabile quadro della nuova classe dirigente della nuova Italia ma non svolge considerazioni sulla storia della provincia e della sua amministrazione durante il primo Ottocento» (p. 15). Iermano analizza bene i vari andamenti del viaggio e la sua scrittura oltre che i temi. Qui si vede il professore De Sanctis parlare, dibattere, incontrarsi with people, make speeches and at the same time "deal with the insistent presence of memory and memories of childhood and the places of my youth" (p. 21).
De Sanctis was part of the constituency of Morris Irpino, "the deepest treasures." Has returned after a long absence, Morris has found "a whole history, both ancient and prosperous families come down or off, and a lot of new people, and sudden gains, and rich peasants and without a master, and sometimes their masters their servants. Award for work to leisure and Punishment "(p. 152).
Al De Sanctis missed nothing of the new life and politics of his country. 'Co' new era has arisen in a Morra vigorous municipal life, and in a decade has done more than in any century "(ibid.). But - again he writes - "I can not say that there is a real civic life began. I see you again for those ways come to me between the legs, such as stray dogs, a crowd of boys, ragged and idle, and it pains me that there is still a kindergarten. " Still reigns there is no wear and provident institution that facilitates gl'istrumenti of work and the culture of 'fields' (p. 152) and also the relationship between' gentlemen and peasants "are not good. And yet it is observed that in "Morra is vanity, there's pride" (p. 153). And then De Sanctis is reminiscent, memories of when he was a child.
The countries visited by the professor are Rocchetta "poetry," Bisaccia "the kind," Calitri "the misty," Andretta "the quirky", then it's time for Morris, San Severo, Avellino, and finally Sansevero. De Sanctis in these countries meet several people and is located in various situations. Here is resentful and tetragona "Calitri the foggy," the country inhabited by very rich families, but with roads impassable. De Sanctis was cold reception here and has no official status, "the priest Berrilli Pasquale, 'one of the warmest adversaries' ours, would not go to meet him as a supporter of the candidate Money» (P. 25). De Sanctis saw Calitri "in a bad moment. The road was a mud pit and we could see little, and acute cold made me shiver "(p. 117). Calitri has changed is no longer what it used to (the age of the youth of De Sanctis) is now 'thing mean. " Moreover, 'I did not know the houses, but the streets were unpresentable, and give the country a bad impression to those who come again, the streets are those that the country PEL dress for man "(p. 118). A Calitri Tozzoli he met with and began to "politic". The Tozzoli was "young man left, that is left of 65, made the most of rich landowners, and local notables, which threw the already so-called coterie, and came to parliament to protest against mismanagement "(p. 118). Through "the enemy country, De Sanctis, in the company of friends and voters, he noticed that the people had an attitude of seriousness not found among the gentlemen. With speed camera captures the attitude of the inhabitants and stares at a beautiful picture: 'Some common people were there standing on the square with a severity of Roman senators' "(ibid.). From Calitri the coach brought him to Andrews, "the quirky": "So I understood to regard this country by some, on account of the protests made in the run-off, revealing a great distance, a thin spirito avvocatesco» (p. 125).
Il giro elettorale, come si sa, venne ideato e preparato dall’on. Michele Capozzi e dall’abile prete di Morra Irpino marino Molinari, dopo un incontro con il De Sanctis a Roma nel dicembre del ‘74. Nel Viaggio elettorale c’è il politico e lo scrittore De Sanctis. Varie volte il politico va a letto e «lascia campo libero allo scrittore, che subito comincia fantasticare in attesa di addormentarsi. I suoi pensieri nella notte sempre popolati d’immagini curiose, di ombre particolari di razionalità e non di paura, di successi e consensi che la realtà non concede: «Il signor cognato giunto da Avellino , alla vigilia del voto, quel bonomo che ha votato e voterà for the opponent in spite of your living room Mauro had left thinking the opposite "(see chap. IX), then the incredible behavior of Lacedonia Franciosi (Chapter III), the subtleties of the shrewd lawyer Camillo andrettese Honey, admirable figure South of the sophist never entirely disappeared the atlas of the Italian province (Chapter XI), the disappointing moral mediocrity of the bishop Fanelli (Chapter XII) remind the De Sanctis but not his theology and history is not novel (p. 31 ). As a boy Francis (affectionately called Ciccillo) loved to dream indeed, had "an inclination to rêve ', which increased with the passing of years: think of the letters addressed to Zurich students and Diomede Angelo Camillo De Mais Marvin, both exiles in Turin, or the girls Basque Virginia and Teresa de Amicis. You can see the qualities we admire as a writer of De Sanctis when the priest shows us the poetry of Rocchetta Francis Piccoli, "in which he found the widow of Luis Gonzo Lacedonia loved to sixteen years and now a mother of Joseph Castelli, young mayor of the town and its fervent follower "(p. 31).
Chapter X of Voyage is dedicated to Irpino Morra. And it is a short chapter full of memories that already predicts the youth. Here you can read in the socio-historical analysis "of the highest bill conceptual" but also the memories appear. Here is the meeting with the family (Aunt Teresa, il nipote Aniello, il fratello Vito, e poi le cugine, i luoghi dei giochi, la piazzetta che aveva «visto» tante sue lagrime, il ricordo della partenza degli esuli del ‘21, il Monte delle Croci, Dietro corte, San Rocco, la via Nuova, e ancora le sudicie stréttole, le case dei vecchi e nuovi padroni, tutto costituisce lo spazio di una memoria mai pure dato autobiografico, ma costante trasfigurazione dei valori del tempo perduto. I suoi sono ricordi di una vita mentale che rifioriscono senza che il sentimentalismo devasti la dignità e l’altero distacco del critico» (pp. 34-35). Queste pagine - come giustamente osserva Iermano - sono un bel saggio o, meglio un capolavoro di microstoria, «d’indagine critica completely free from contamination or excessive descriptive local content. These pages desanctisiane so maybe you can compare with admirable daring tale of two villages in Abruzzo (Monterodomo and Pescasseroli) and Benedetto Croce republished, not coincidentally, in the appendix to the History of the Kingdom of Naples (1924). The town of De Sanctis as that of the Cross (Pescasseroli) "had a primitive village clinging to the castle of course, and above all, as the town in Abruzzo," dragged on for centuries, his life of small feudal country, lost in the mountains and almost inaccessible '(see Cross, History of the Kingdom of Naples, Laterza, Bari, 19585, pp. 315-425). The election ended
Travel Avellino, the capital, where the De Sanctis, despite having won in the college of Laceby, on the evening of January 23 he received a cool reception (Chapter XXII). "No comparison with the one received upon his arrival as governor just appointed by decree by Garibaldi in difficult September sixties, when the province was under siege and the bourgeoisie felt threatened by social unrest" (p. 35).
De Sanctis path in the company of Don Marino Molinari and patriot and scholar of Teora Romualdo Cassitta the "land of the student, remembering how many times I had done that way in the early going to and fro, his head full of grammar and rhetoric. " Avellino came to say goodbye nel suo palazzo, posto di fronte alla prefettura, il vecchio Carlantonio Solimene, sindaco della città negli anni del regno di Ferdinando II, ed ora, non ostante le sue pessime condizioni di salute, consigliere del figlio Catello, schierato contro il Capozzi. Della città ricordava le famiglie del ceto civile - i Vegliante, i Lanzilli - e in particolar modo quel «Lorenzo De Concililj, sindaco e memoria della storia risorgimentale, ormai scomparso da circa nove anni, il 20 ottobre 1866» (p. 37). Iermano segue passo passo De Sanctis nei suoi vari spostamenti, incontri, discorsi, pensieri. Inoltre incisive risultano le pagine di Iermano quando analizzano lo stile, la lingua del Viaggio elettorale. Qui De Sanctis «realizza un imprevedibile experiment with realistic language, the result of a thoughtful research of the representation of life through language 'live' and a perfect identity between content and form "(p. 40). As in his other literary works and many critical essays, De Sanctis uses a 'quasi-journalistic language: fast, linear, efficient, able to retain an expressive clarity and richness of ideas "(ibid.). Sometimes we read words and expressions of alettali appropriate "for an effective speech reproduction but also to experiment with realistic type, both in narrative and discourse in a way contribute to strengthening the medium in which the tone is linked to a time plan and sometimes essential: the many portraits and sketches in the EV obtained by the unnecessary complexity of sentence structures effectively and give the language a more attractive and specified medium tone "(pp. 40-41). There is also in the prose of this desanctisiana another kind of language, consisting of precious elements and a refined syntax. It 'still valid, according to Toni Iermano, including travel election, the interpretation of the critical prose of the Russian Luigi De Sanctis, "De Sanctis designed, with all his work, srettoricare in Italy and launched a Representative prose strongly, but dry and good-natured tone and speech, which, in science and speculative, were matched to what, in the arts, was the prose of Manzoni '(see Francesco De Sanctis and Neapolitan culture (1928), Editori Riuniti, Rome, 1983, p. 348; the language and the prose of De Sanctis are still valid books Marcello Aurigemma, Language and style in the criticism of Francesco De Sanctis, Longo, Ravenna, 1968 and Casu M., De Sanctis writer, Vita e Pensiero, Milan, 1971, and finally, we should also remember G. Nencini Francesco De Sanctis and the question of language, Bibliopolis, Napoli, 1984. Already in the History De Sanctis wanted to innovate his prose which then comes back in a journey election "with strong reasons of modernity. Similarly, the Essais of Montaigne ( Lib. III, chap. V) anche De Sanctis vuole mettere qualcosa di suo nella lingua» (p. 41).
Francesco De Sanctis nel suo Viaggio elettorale «aveva raggiunto i suoi obiettivi politico-letterari, ma le motivazioni ideali erano prevalse solo nel sogno o nelle lunghe e tormentate notti d’Irpinia in cui fantasticava così come aveva fatto negli anni della prigionia o nel tempo dell’esilio» (pp. 41-42).
Per il De Sanctis nel sogno tutto andava bene ma nella realtà subì diverse sconfitte e delusioni elettorali: «Le drammatiche sconfitte, seguite al voto dell’ottobre 1882 e del gennaio 1883 furono conseguenza di una radicale quanto persistente incomprensione di parte del ceto civile provinciale nei confronti delle its identity never weakened, however, by this attitude "(p. 42).
De Sanctis very last moment of his life contributed to support, as well as in his speech of January 29, 1883 Trani, that politics is primarily and essentially dignity and can not be conceived 'as a duty and sacrifice. "
Toni Iermano This book is the fruit of long and not always easy searches. However, thanks to
Iermano we can read in a critical edition of the strict election Journey De Sanctis, well commented in its entirety by the scholar who has written a useful and comprehensive dictionary of quotations, places and characters.
election shall be published after the trip the two "texts that represent and interpret two aspects that work in the VE with extreme ease and never collide, but literary and political."
The two texts are: "The journey in Switzerland during August of 1854" by Jerome Noname (text first appeared in «The Piemonte, Torino, a. II, n. 2, January 1856); Speech S. Maria La Nova for lessons. This speech was held in Naples 4 November 1874 and was released the same day on "Rome", a. XIII, Supplement No 305, November 4, 1874, both the 'Sting', a. XV, No. 306. This speech is the only witness ufficiale delle idee che Francesco De Sanctis sostenne durante la campagna elettorale del novembre 1874. Inoltre «attualissime si rivelano le parti del discorso riservate al rapporto tra nazione e regione, tra affermazione dell’identità italiana e la tutela degli interessi locali».
Titolo: Francesco De Sanctis, Un viaggio elettorale
Autore: Carmine Chiodo
Categoria: Note e Recensioni
Rivista: Testo e Senso n.7 (2006)
Visitato: 948 volte
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